Möhler. La patrologie, ou Histoire littéraire des trois premiers siècles de l’Eglise Chrétienne. Volumes I & II. 1843.

La patrologie, ou Histoire littéraire des trois premiers siècles de l’Eglise Chrétienne

Oeuvre posthume de J.-A. Moehler,
publiée
par F.-X. Reithmayer,
Professeur extraordinaire de Théologie a l’Université Louis-Maximilien, à Munich,
Traduite de l’allemand
Par Jean Cohen,
Bibliothécaire à Sainte-Geneviève.
PARIS. Debécourt, Libraire-Éditeur, Rue des Saints-Péres, 64. 1843.

Author Möhler, Johann Adam, 1796-1838
Publication date 1843
Topics Fathers of the church, Christian literature, Early, Church history
Publisher Paris : Debécourt
Collection pimslibrary; toronto
Digitizing sponsor University of Toronto
Contributor PIMS – University of Toronto
Language French
Volumes 1 & 2
Call number 3019519

Möhler. La patrologie, ou Histoire littéraire des trois premiers siècles de l’Eglise Chrétienne. Volume I…. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Möhler. La patrologie, ou Histoire littéraire des trois premiers siècles de l’Eglise Chrétienne. Volume II…. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Tome I available in Internet Archive.
Tome II available in Internet Archive.

Article. Brian Lowery, OSA. Reflections on some “spontaneous” prayers in the Confessions of St. Augustine.

One of the more immediately striking features of the Confessions of St. Augustine to the modern reader is the fact that they are addressed to God and not to him or her. You see it in Augustine’s constant use of the word “you”, “tu”, “tibi” referring to God and not to us. There are a few exceptions where the reader is addressed, if only indirectly, for example, when Augustine requests prayers for his deceased parents (IX,13,37) or when he tells us not to scorn him as he relates to us his errors, saying that the same physician who healed him then could be applying preventive medicine to us now (II,7,15). However, even these statements go through God before arriving at us.

This is the reason God seems so close when you read the Confessions. Something is happening on those pages. God and Augustine are in conversation. It’s not like someone telling us interesting things about self and God. It is prayer going on right before our very eyes, and we are let in on it.

We can sense two directions in the conversation. First, Augustine is speaking to God. He speaks about many things: his childhood, his young manhood; his joys, his sorrows, his failures and sins, his discoveries, his liberation. In the second God is speaking to Augustine. In particular, God is moving Augustine to prayer. This is readily discernible in moments of what seem like spontaneous outbursts in scattered places of the book. In these passages Augustine changes tense: from the past, where he tells us of what once happened, to the present where he breaks into prayer then and there as if stirred directly by God. A good example is found in Book VII. In the midst of telling us about his first inner experience of God after being enlightened by the Neo-Platonists, he comes out with the prayer:

O eternal truth and true love and beloved eternity! You are my God. I sigh to you by day and by night. (Confessions VII, 10, 16)

Were the prayers really spontaneous? At first glance it seems so. Some come at heightened moments in the story as if they were sudden responses to something vividly remembered. For the Confessions were just that: a return to the past to see where God had been all along the path to conversion. Augustine found God acting in the most surprising of places: in a book, in a person, in a sorrow, in a joy, in a mistake, in a quandary, in the things of creation. At certain moments during these reminiscences he goes beyond his usual pattern of narration and explodes into prayer. He overflows the brim, so to speak. These are some of the best moments of the Confessions.

Article available here.

Solano. Textos eucarísticos primitivos. Vols. I & II. 1952.

Textos eucarísticos primitivos

Edición bilingüe de los contenidos en la Sagrada Escritura y los Santos Padres

Author Solano, Jesús
Publication date 1952
Topics Lord’s Supper, Lord’s Supper, Lord’s Supper
Publisher Madrid: B.A.C.
Collection majorityworldcollection; Princeton; americana
Digitizing sponsor Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Contributor Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Language Polyglot
Volume volumes 1 and 2
Includes indexes

v. 1. Hasta fines del siglo IV — v. 2. Hasta el fin de la época patrística (s. VII-VIII)

Solano. Textos eucharisticos primitivos edicion bilingue de los contenidos en la Sagrada Escritura y los Sa… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Solano. Textos eucharisticos primitivos edicion bilingue de los contenidos en la Sagrada Escritura y los Sa… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Ottley. Studies in the Confessions of St. Augustine. 1919.

Studies in the Confessions of St. Augustine

Author Ottley, Robert L
Publication date 1919
Topics Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo
Publisher London : Robert Scott

Collection kellylibrary; toronto
Digitizing sponsor MSN
Contributor Kelly – University of Toronto
Language English

What has given the Confessions their place in the devotional literature of the world is the fact that they touch the heights and depths of a true religious experience. Their writer, sensitive as he was to the various intellectual influences of his time, yet set before himself, as the dominant aim of his life, the knowledge of God. The book may be of service to us, in our endeavour to probe the roots of that prevalent unrest and dissatisfaction which partly prompt, and partly hinder, the task of “reconstruction.” Under Augustine’s guidance we may learn to take into account more seriously the reality of evil ; the presence of sin, and its pervasive power, in human life ; the barrenness of any system of thought, political or intellectual, which ignores man’s need of God in every sphere of his personal or social activity.

 

Ottley. Studies in the Confessions of St. Augustine. 1919. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Sparrow-Simpson. The letters of St. Augustine. 1919

The letters of St. Augustine

Author  Sparrow-Simpson, W. J. (William John), 1859-1952
Publication date 1919
Topics Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo
Publisher London : Society for promoting Christian knowledge ; New York : Macmillan
Collection pimslibrary; toronto
Digitizing sponsor MSN
Contributor PIMS – University of Toronto
Language English
Includes bibliographical references and index

The purpose of the present work is not to translate but to give such an account of Augustine’s life and thought as may be derived from his letters. A lengthy correspondence in any controversy is sure to contain a great deal of repetition. The same illustrations, the same expositions, the same ideas are certain to be included over and over again. Such repetitions are for the most part avoided in the present work, which condenses the contents of the letters and presents their principal features.
But since Augustine often refers his correspondents for further information to what he has written en a particular subject in one of his larger treatises, it seemed necessary for completeness’ sake to reproduce in such cases the main ideas of the teaching to which the Bishop refers. On no single subject is the whole of Augustine’s teaching necessarily to be found in his letters. But if the letters are thus supplemented by what he has taught elsewhere a fairly full presentation of the great writer’s mind may be obtained.
The letters range over a period of forty-three years. The earliest was written in A.D. 386, the year before his conversion ; the latest in A.D. 429, the year before his death. There are 270 letters in the Benedictine edition. But of these, fifty are addressed to Augustine ; so that we have only 220 from the Bishop’s own pen. And these 220 include one or two official letters of Councils whose authorship is undoubted.
After all, 220 letters in forty-three years does not seem an unwieldy correspondence. If we omit the letters written before his consecration this leaves 213 during his episcopate.
But then in Augustine’s case a letter was often an elaborate treatise. So great was his wealth of thought that frequently his spring became a river and his river became a sea. These letters occupy a folio volume consisting, in Gaume’s edition, of 1370 columns.
Moreover, Augustine informs us that he estimated his writings to extend to 232 treatises, not including letters or sermons (Letter 224, 2).
Augustine’s letters were arranged by the Benedictine editors as far as possible in the order in which they were written. But there is a large section of which the dates are unknown. It has been thought best in the present summary of the contents to arrange the letters in groups according to subjects, preserving the chronological order, as far as possible, within each group. This arrangement has the advantage that Augustine’s teaching and development of mind on various doctrines can be easily followed. It also enables the reader to see the proportion of his correspondence on the principal subjects which absorbed his attention.

Sparrow-Simpson, William [Eds.]. The letters of St. Augustine. 1919. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Neander. Lectures on the history of Christian dogmas, Volumes I and II. 1858.

Lectures on the history of Christian dogmas

August Neander

Justus Ludwig Jacobi [Ed.], Jonathan Edwards Ryland [Trans.].

Publication date 1858
Topics Theology, Doctrinal — History
Publisher London : H.G. Bohn
Collection robarts; toronto
Digitizing sponsor MSN
Contributor Robarts – University of Toronto
Language English
Volumes 1 & 2
Call number AEV-0587

Neanders. Lectures on the history of Christian dogmas. Volume I. 1858. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Neanders. Lectures on the history of Christian dogmas. Volume II. 1858. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Faulkner. The subjunctive mood in the Old English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical history. 190?.

The subjunctive mood in the Old English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical history …

Author: Faulkner, William Harrison, 1874-1949
Publication date:; 190-?]
Publisher: [Charlottesville?
Collection: cdl; americana
Digitizing sponsor: MSN
Contributor: University of California Libraries
Language: English

Thesis (Ph.D.)–University of Virginia
Bibliography: p. [3]-5

William H. Faulkner – The Subjunctive Mood in the Old English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis on Scribd

Robinson. Texts and studies: contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. Volume 1. 1891.

Previously announced here, the 4 issues of the first volume has been published by Internet Archive, and may be now accessed through the Bibliotheca Pretiosa and Scribd too.

3 items has been digitized at full color, and one of them [THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA] is available only as microfilm, in b/w images.

The handwritten note in the front-cover of the issue 4 was done not to correct an ‘errata’, but as a misplaced warning to help the readers. The back-cover show that a single page is attached to the 4th. issue, as a main front-page of the whole volume 1; that’s the reason the 4 issues appear listed there:

Vol. I.

No. 1. THE APOLOGY OF ARISTIDES : by J. Rendel Harris, M. A. : with an Appendix by the editor.
No. 2. THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA, with an Appendix on the Scillitan Martyrdom : by the editor.
No. 3. THE LORD’S PRAYER IN THE EARLY CHURCH : by F. H. Chase, B. D.
No. 4. THE FRAGMENTS OF HERACLEON : by A. E. Brooke, M. A.

Harris, Robinson. The Apology of Aristides on behalf of the Christians : from a Syriac ms. preserved on Mou… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Robinson. The Passion of S. Perpetua [microform]. 1891. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Chase. The Lord's prayer in the early church. 1891. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Robinson. Texts and studies : contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. 1891. Volume 1. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Díaz y Díaz [Comp.]. Isidoriana; colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla. 1961.

Isidoriana; colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla (1961)

Author: Díaz y Díaz, Manuel C., comp
Subject: Isidore, of Seville, Saint, d. 636
Publisher: León, Centro de Estudios “San Isidro,”
Language: Spanish; English; French; German; Italian
Call number: BX4700.I78 D52 1961
Digitizing sponsor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Book contributor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Collection: majorityworldcollection; Princeton; americana

Díaz y Díaz (Comp.). Isidoriana; Colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla. 1961. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Quote. Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, Ch. 4, “Alexandrians and the Phisiologus”, 3: Clement. 1999.

The primary work of Clement of Alexandria, in eight books, was his Stromateis or Miscellanies. Like Aelian, he used a good source (an epitome of Aristotle’s History of Animals by Aristophanes of Byzantium), but added a good deal of erudite nonsense. As an Alexandrian, Clement is naturally concerned with Egyptian matters. He refers to “the gods of Egypt such as cats and weasels,” as well as “cat or crocodile or native snake.” On a literary level he analyzes Egyptian writing as epistolographic (= demotic) or hieratic or hieroglyphic. There are two kinds of hieroglyphs, literal and symbolical, while the symbolical in turn is divided into three: (1) literal by imitation (the sun is a circle, the moon looks like a moon), (2) figurative, and (3) allegorical using enigmas. He illustrates the third type by stars depicted as snakes because of their oblique orbits, the sun as a beetle because it fashions a ball of ox-dung and rolls it before its face. Later he discusses the symbolical meanings of animals in the hieroglyphs. Some Egyptians show the sun on a ship, others on a crocodile; they mean that the sun generates time, or else that the crocodile symbolizes time. On the sacred Pylon at Diospolis there was a boy, the symbol of generation, and an old man, decay. A hawk was the symbol of God, a fish of hatred, while the crocodile can mean shamelessness. Taken together, the symbols mean this: “You who are born and die, God hates shamelessness.” (This last account is close to Plutarch, except that he locates the carving in the temple of Athena at Sais and identifies the shameless animal as the hippopotamus.) In addition, the lion symbolizes strength and vigor; the ox, agriculture and nourishment; the horse, courage and boldness; the sphinx, strength with understanding, for it has the body of a lion, the face of a man. A man symbolizes intelligence, memory, power, and art. In the processions of the gods they carry gold images: two dogs, one hawk, and one ibis. The dogs symbolize two hemispheres; the hawk the sun, the ibis the moon; or else the dogs are the tropics, the hawk the equinoctial line, and the ibis the ecliptic. The errors in this exegesis are comparable only to those in the Hieroglyphics of Horapollo, who wrote several centuries after Clement, but relied on similar sources. Both authors took the symbols seriously but did not know what they meant.

When Clement attacked anthropomorphists who held that God literally enjoys smelling the smoke of sacrifices (Gen. 8:21), he turned to natural history for analogies. Do insects breathe or not? Clement marshalled a scientific account of breathing, to combat the idea that God breathes. Aristotle (On Respiration) had argued that insects do not breathe because when centipedes are cut up the parts stay alive, and flies and bees can swim in liquid for a long time. On the other hand, in his History of Animals he noted that all insects die if covered with oil, a point suggesting that they do breathe. Clement deals with the question by defining terms. Plants are nourished from the density of the air, while hibernating bears are nourished from the exhalation arising from their own bodies. Demons ventilate internally (diapneitai). Fish inhale (empneitai) through the dilation of their gills. Insects circumspire (peripneitai) through pressure of membranes on the waist. Finally, there are creatures that inhale (anapnei) by rhythmic beats corresponding to the counter-dilation (anti-diastole) of the lungs against the chest. A little later, Clement notes that land animals and birds inhale as human beings do, though fish breathe the air infused into the water at the creation. Theophilus too had remarked on this infusion.

Clement dealt with diet from points of view both moral and philosophical. He quoted Paul as saying, “It is good not to eat meat or drink wine” (shortened from Romans 14:21), in agreement with the Pythagoreans – for whose opinions he quotes the Stoic Musonius Rufus: “meat, though appropriate for wild animals, darkens the soul.” He adds, however, that he who eats meat sparingly does not sin. In his view the best diet consists of bulbs, olives, herbs, milk, cheese, fruits, and “all kinds of cooked food without sauces.” (The list comes from Plato through Plutarch.) But Clement is willing to include meat, preferably roasted, not boiled. He cites the frugal disciples, who offered the risen Lord “a piece of broiled fish, which he ate before them” (Luke 24:42–43).

In a later work Clement reflects deeper concerns. Christians can abstain from meat on reasonable grounds, not the Pythagorean dream about the transmigration of souls. One might abstain because animal meat has “already been assimilated to the souls of irrational creatures.” In addition, wine and meat harm the mind, as (the Pythagorean) Androcydes said. Similarly one of the late second-century Sayings of Sextus, authoritative for both Clement and Origen, claims that though abstinence is more rational, eating animate beings is really a matter of indifference.

Egyptian priests in their purifications abstain from meat and fish, for “such food makes the flesh flabby.” Elsewhere Clement lists a few fishes “venerated” at various places: one kind at Syene, another at Elephantine, yet another at Oxyrhynchus. This kind of information reflects the interests of the age, not those of Christians generally save for the literary-minded author himself.

He also tells how some Phoenician Syrians “venerate” fishes, while Porphyry mentions Syrians in general, as well as initiates into the mysteries at Eleusis. The Christian apologist Athenagoras says Syrians “venerate” fish because of the mythical Derceto (who had a fish’s tail). “Venerate” again means “not eat.”

Clement identifies the serpent with the devil but usually, after Philo, relates his work to pleasure. He adds that the serpent is now the cause of idol-worship, and acts like barbarians who bind their captives to corpses. The simile comes from the Exhortation of Aristotle, but Clement obviously makes it his own.

Since Clement knew something of zoology he could question animal lore, either tacitly or explicitly. In his Miscellanies he paraphrases much of the letter of “the apostle Clement,” but not the section about the phoenix, a bird he mentions elsewhere only as an Egyptian astrological symbol. Presumably he did not accept the story. When he commented on Barnabas, whom he regarded as an apostle, he relied on Aristotle for questioning the story about the hyena, though without naming either the apostle or the philosopher. He agreed with Barnabas that Moses spoke allegorically but rejected his ideas about what he meant. “I do not agree with this exegesis of what was said symbolically.” Closer to Aristotle than to Barnabas, Clement says the hare really has a bifurcated uterus. And as for the weasel, the Hellenistic Jewish Epistle of Aristeas said that the weasel conceives through the ear and gives birth through the mouth; Plutarch states that “many suppose and say that the weasel conceives through the ear and gives birth through the mouth.” Harnack and others thought Zeno of Verona was expressing a like thought when he said that “Christ enters Mary through the ear.” They did not notice that Zeno was simply giving allegorical exegesis of the angel’s speaking a word to her, just as when he said that the devil crept into Eve through her ear. This was not Barnabas’ notion. The author of the Clementine Recognitions rather sensibly supposed that these unusual habits prove that the Creator specifically chose the usual modes of conception and birth as norms. The Physiologus, as usual, went back to gossip, claiming that the hyena is androgynous, alternating sexes, while the weasel conceives through the mouth and gives birth through the ears. The latter statement simply reverses Aristeas’ notion.

Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, Ch. 4, “Alexandrians and the Phisiologus”, 3: Clement, pp. 46.48. Routledge, 1999.

Porcel. La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la “Regula monachorum”. 1950.

La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la “Regula monachorum” (1950)

Author: Porcel, Olegario Maria, 1914-
Subject: Gregory I, Pope, ca. 540-604; Benedict, Saint, Abbot of Monte Cassino; Monasticism and religious orders
Publisher: [Madrid] : Instituto “Enrique Florez,” Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, [1950]
Language: Spanish
Call number: BX1076 .P67 1950
Digitizing sponsor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Book contributor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Collection: Princeton; americana

Porcel. La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la "Regula monachorum". 1950. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Quote. Kato. Jerome’s Understanding of Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament. 2013.

Jerome is well known as one of the greatest Church Fathers who studied Hebrew and biblical exegesis under his Jewish teachers in Bethlehem and translated the Old Testament from the original Hebrew text into Latin. This image of Jerome, however, can easily change when we examine the history of research related to him.

Gustave Bardy suggested that while Jerome claimed that his Jewish teachers had taught him their exegesis, he, in fact, had plagiarized it from Greek predecessors such as Origen and Eusebius. Jerome, who mastered Greek while living in Syria and Asia Minor, spent a lot of time reading the works of Origen and Eusebius and translated some of them into Latin. According to Bardy, Jerome learned Jewish interpretations of the Bible from their works but pretended to have learned them from his Jewish teachers in order to boast about his knowledge of Hebrew. Moreover, Pierre Nautin considered Jerome’s linguistic competence in Hebrew to be quite low. According to Nautin, Jerome knew so little Hebrew that he had no choice but to depend on his Greek predecessors. Nautin was generally sceptical about Jerome’s statements. For instance, he concluded that Jerome’s correspondence with Pope Damasus I was a complete fiction created to lend authority to his own remarks. In addition, Nautin believed that the Latin Bible which Jerome claimed to have translated from the original Hebrew text was no more than a second-hand translation from the Hexaplaric (recension of the) LXX.

On the other hand, especially from the viewpoint of the Jewish studies, Jay Braverman and Benjamin Kedar-Kopfstein noted that Jerome was deeply indebted to his Jewish teachers for his exegesis. Further, contrary to Nautin’s view, they estimated Jerome’s competence in Hebrew to be high. Kedar-Kopfstein, for instance, indicated that some interpretations of rabbinic literature and medieval Jewish exegetes were reflected in the passages of the Vulgate, which Jerome seemed to have mistranslated. In other words, it was not Jerome’s low competence in Hebrew but his rather close relationship with Jewish teachers of the time that made passages different in the Vulgate from what they were in the Masoretic text. Furthermore, scholars of Biblical studies, such as Edmund F. Sutcliffe and James Barr, tried to restore the ancient pronunciations of Hebrew words as they were before the Masoretic text by using Jerome’s Latin transliteration. They obviously could not have conducted their research without being convinced of Jerome’s competence in Hebrew.

Following the history of research on Jerome, we are confronted by two questions. First, were all of Jerome’s exegeses plagiarized from his Greek predecessors? Second, what was Jerome’s competence in Hebrew? To answer these questions we first need to consider Jerome’s understanding of Old Testament quotations in the New Testament (hereafter Quot.). When passages of the Old Testament are quoted in the New Testament, the wordings of some differ from those of the LXX which was the Old Testament for Christians in antiquity. Regarding these passages, Jerome claimed that their sources were not the LXX but the original Hebrew text. According to him, whenever the Evangelists and Paul quoted any passages of the Old Testament, they always chose the Hebrew text and translated it into Greek. If this assertion is correct and is based on an accurate knowledge of Hebrew, Jerome’s originality of exegesis and his competence in Hebrew is likely to be confirmed. Accordingly, we will analyse seven texts of Jerome (See section II), especially his Ep. 57, or Liber de optimo genere interpretandi, written c.395. In these texts, Jerome provides examples which indicate that the source of the Quot. was not the LXX but the Hebrew text.

Teppei Kato. ‘Jerome’s Understanding of Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament‘, in Vigiliae Christianae 67, pp. 289-292. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2013.