Robinson. Texts and studies: contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. Volume 1. 1891.

Previously announced here, the 4 issues of the first volume has been published by Internet Archive, and may be now accessed through the Bibliotheca Pretiosa and Scribd too.

3 items has been digitized at full color, and one of them [THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA] is available only as microfilm, in b/w images.

The handwritten note in the front-cover of the issue 4 was done not to correct an ‘errata’, but as a misplaced warning to help the readers. The back-cover show that a single page is attached to the 4th. issue, as a main front-page of the whole volume 1; that’s the reason the 4 issues appear listed there:

Vol. I.

No. 1. THE APOLOGY OF ARISTIDES : by J. Rendel Harris, M. A. : with an Appendix by the editor.
No. 2. THE PASSION OF S. PERPETUA, with an Appendix on the Scillitan Martyrdom : by the editor.
No. 3. THE LORD’S PRAYER IN THE EARLY CHURCH : by F. H. Chase, B. D.
No. 4. THE FRAGMENTS OF HERACLEON : by A. E. Brooke, M. A.

Harris, Robinson. The Apology of Aristides on behalf of the Christians : from a Syriac ms. preserved on Mou… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Robinson. The Passion of S. Perpetua [microform]. 1891. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Chase. The Lord's prayer in the early church. 1891. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Robinson. Texts and studies : contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. 1891. Volume 1. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Díaz y Díaz [Comp.]. Isidoriana; colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla. 1961.

Isidoriana; colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla (1961)

Author: Díaz y Díaz, Manuel C., comp
Subject: Isidore, of Seville, Saint, d. 636
Publisher: León, Centro de Estudios “San Isidro,”
Language: Spanish; English; French; German; Italian
Call number: BX4700.I78 D52 1961
Digitizing sponsor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Book contributor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Collection: majorityworldcollection; Princeton; americana

Díaz y Díaz (Comp.). Isidoriana; Colección de estudios sobre Isidoro de Sevilla. 1961. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Quote. Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, Ch. 4, “Alexandrians and the Phisiologus”, 3: Clement. 1999.

The primary work of Clement of Alexandria, in eight books, was his Stromateis or Miscellanies. Like Aelian, he used a good source (an epitome of Aristotle’s History of Animals by Aristophanes of Byzantium), but added a good deal of erudite nonsense. As an Alexandrian, Clement is naturally concerned with Egyptian matters. He refers to “the gods of Egypt such as cats and weasels,” as well as “cat or crocodile or native snake.” On a literary level he analyzes Egyptian writing as epistolographic (= demotic) or hieratic or hieroglyphic. There are two kinds of hieroglyphs, literal and symbolical, while the symbolical in turn is divided into three: (1) literal by imitation (the sun is a circle, the moon looks like a moon), (2) figurative, and (3) allegorical using enigmas. He illustrates the third type by stars depicted as snakes because of their oblique orbits, the sun as a beetle because it fashions a ball of ox-dung and rolls it before its face. Later he discusses the symbolical meanings of animals in the hieroglyphs. Some Egyptians show the sun on a ship, others on a crocodile; they mean that the sun generates time, or else that the crocodile symbolizes time. On the sacred Pylon at Diospolis there was a boy, the symbol of generation, and an old man, decay. A hawk was the symbol of God, a fish of hatred, while the crocodile can mean shamelessness. Taken together, the symbols mean this: “You who are born and die, God hates shamelessness.” (This last account is close to Plutarch, except that he locates the carving in the temple of Athena at Sais and identifies the shameless animal as the hippopotamus.) In addition, the lion symbolizes strength and vigor; the ox, agriculture and nourishment; the horse, courage and boldness; the sphinx, strength with understanding, for it has the body of a lion, the face of a man. A man symbolizes intelligence, memory, power, and art. In the processions of the gods they carry gold images: two dogs, one hawk, and one ibis. The dogs symbolize two hemispheres; the hawk the sun, the ibis the moon; or else the dogs are the tropics, the hawk the equinoctial line, and the ibis the ecliptic. The errors in this exegesis are comparable only to those in the Hieroglyphics of Horapollo, who wrote several centuries after Clement, but relied on similar sources. Both authors took the symbols seriously but did not know what they meant.

When Clement attacked anthropomorphists who held that God literally enjoys smelling the smoke of sacrifices (Gen. 8:21), he turned to natural history for analogies. Do insects breathe or not? Clement marshalled a scientific account of breathing, to combat the idea that God breathes. Aristotle (On Respiration) had argued that insects do not breathe because when centipedes are cut up the parts stay alive, and flies and bees can swim in liquid for a long time. On the other hand, in his History of Animals he noted that all insects die if covered with oil, a point suggesting that they do breathe. Clement deals with the question by defining terms. Plants are nourished from the density of the air, while hibernating bears are nourished from the exhalation arising from their own bodies. Demons ventilate internally (diapneitai). Fish inhale (empneitai) through the dilation of their gills. Insects circumspire (peripneitai) through pressure of membranes on the waist. Finally, there are creatures that inhale (anapnei) by rhythmic beats corresponding to the counter-dilation (anti-diastole) of the lungs against the chest. A little later, Clement notes that land animals and birds inhale as human beings do, though fish breathe the air infused into the water at the creation. Theophilus too had remarked on this infusion.

Clement dealt with diet from points of view both moral and philosophical. He quoted Paul as saying, “It is good not to eat meat or drink wine” (shortened from Romans 14:21), in agreement with the Pythagoreans – for whose opinions he quotes the Stoic Musonius Rufus: “meat, though appropriate for wild animals, darkens the soul.” He adds, however, that he who eats meat sparingly does not sin. In his view the best diet consists of bulbs, olives, herbs, milk, cheese, fruits, and “all kinds of cooked food without sauces.” (The list comes from Plato through Plutarch.) But Clement is willing to include meat, preferably roasted, not boiled. He cites the frugal disciples, who offered the risen Lord “a piece of broiled fish, which he ate before them” (Luke 24:42–43).

In a later work Clement reflects deeper concerns. Christians can abstain from meat on reasonable grounds, not the Pythagorean dream about the transmigration of souls. One might abstain because animal meat has “already been assimilated to the souls of irrational creatures.” In addition, wine and meat harm the mind, as (the Pythagorean) Androcydes said. Similarly one of the late second-century Sayings of Sextus, authoritative for both Clement and Origen, claims that though abstinence is more rational, eating animate beings is really a matter of indifference.

Egyptian priests in their purifications abstain from meat and fish, for “such food makes the flesh flabby.” Elsewhere Clement lists a few fishes “venerated” at various places: one kind at Syene, another at Elephantine, yet another at Oxyrhynchus. This kind of information reflects the interests of the age, not those of Christians generally save for the literary-minded author himself.

He also tells how some Phoenician Syrians “venerate” fishes, while Porphyry mentions Syrians in general, as well as initiates into the mysteries at Eleusis. The Christian apologist Athenagoras says Syrians “venerate” fish because of the mythical Derceto (who had a fish’s tail). “Venerate” again means “not eat.”

Clement identifies the serpent with the devil but usually, after Philo, relates his work to pleasure. He adds that the serpent is now the cause of idol-worship, and acts like barbarians who bind their captives to corpses. The simile comes from the Exhortation of Aristotle, but Clement obviously makes it his own.

Since Clement knew something of zoology he could question animal lore, either tacitly or explicitly. In his Miscellanies he paraphrases much of the letter of “the apostle Clement,” but not the section about the phoenix, a bird he mentions elsewhere only as an Egyptian astrological symbol. Presumably he did not accept the story. When he commented on Barnabas, whom he regarded as an apostle, he relied on Aristotle for questioning the story about the hyena, though without naming either the apostle or the philosopher. He agreed with Barnabas that Moses spoke allegorically but rejected his ideas about what he meant. “I do not agree with this exegesis of what was said symbolically.” Closer to Aristotle than to Barnabas, Clement says the hare really has a bifurcated uterus. And as for the weasel, the Hellenistic Jewish Epistle of Aristeas said that the weasel conceives through the ear and gives birth through the mouth; Plutarch states that “many suppose and say that the weasel conceives through the ear and gives birth through the mouth.” Harnack and others thought Zeno of Verona was expressing a like thought when he said that “Christ enters Mary through the ear.” They did not notice that Zeno was simply giving allegorical exegesis of the angel’s speaking a word to her, just as when he said that the devil crept into Eve through her ear. This was not Barnabas’ notion. The author of the Clementine Recognitions rather sensibly supposed that these unusual habits prove that the Creator specifically chose the usual modes of conception and birth as norms. The Physiologus, as usual, went back to gossip, claiming that the hyena is androgynous, alternating sexes, while the weasel conceives through the mouth and gives birth through the ears. The latter statement simply reverses Aristeas’ notion.

Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, Ch. 4, “Alexandrians and the Phisiologus”, 3: Clement, pp. 46.48. Routledge, 1999.

Porcel. La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la “Regula monachorum”. 1950.

La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la “Regula monachorum” (1950)

Author: Porcel, Olegario Maria, 1914-
Subject: Gregory I, Pope, ca. 540-604; Benedict, Saint, Abbot of Monte Cassino; Monasticism and religious orders
Publisher: [Madrid] : Instituto “Enrique Florez,” Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, [1950]
Language: Spanish
Call number: BX1076 .P67 1950
Digitizing sponsor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Book contributor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Collection: Princeton; americana

Porcel. La doctrina monástica de San Gregorio Magno y la "Regula monachorum". 1950. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Quote. Kato. Jerome’s Understanding of Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament. 2013.

Jerome is well known as one of the greatest Church Fathers who studied Hebrew and biblical exegesis under his Jewish teachers in Bethlehem and translated the Old Testament from the original Hebrew text into Latin. This image of Jerome, however, can easily change when we examine the history of research related to him.

Gustave Bardy suggested that while Jerome claimed that his Jewish teachers had taught him their exegesis, he, in fact, had plagiarized it from Greek predecessors such as Origen and Eusebius. Jerome, who mastered Greek while living in Syria and Asia Minor, spent a lot of time reading the works of Origen and Eusebius and translated some of them into Latin. According to Bardy, Jerome learned Jewish interpretations of the Bible from their works but pretended to have learned them from his Jewish teachers in order to boast about his knowledge of Hebrew. Moreover, Pierre Nautin considered Jerome’s linguistic competence in Hebrew to be quite low. According to Nautin, Jerome knew so little Hebrew that he had no choice but to depend on his Greek predecessors. Nautin was generally sceptical about Jerome’s statements. For instance, he concluded that Jerome’s correspondence with Pope Damasus I was a complete fiction created to lend authority to his own remarks. In addition, Nautin believed that the Latin Bible which Jerome claimed to have translated from the original Hebrew text was no more than a second-hand translation from the Hexaplaric (recension of the) LXX.

On the other hand, especially from the viewpoint of the Jewish studies, Jay Braverman and Benjamin Kedar-Kopfstein noted that Jerome was deeply indebted to his Jewish teachers for his exegesis. Further, contrary to Nautin’s view, they estimated Jerome’s competence in Hebrew to be high. Kedar-Kopfstein, for instance, indicated that some interpretations of rabbinic literature and medieval Jewish exegetes were reflected in the passages of the Vulgate, which Jerome seemed to have mistranslated. In other words, it was not Jerome’s low competence in Hebrew but his rather close relationship with Jewish teachers of the time that made passages different in the Vulgate from what they were in the Masoretic text. Furthermore, scholars of Biblical studies, such as Edmund F. Sutcliffe and James Barr, tried to restore the ancient pronunciations of Hebrew words as they were before the Masoretic text by using Jerome’s Latin transliteration. They obviously could not have conducted their research without being convinced of Jerome’s competence in Hebrew.

Following the history of research on Jerome, we are confronted by two questions. First, were all of Jerome’s exegeses plagiarized from his Greek predecessors? Second, what was Jerome’s competence in Hebrew? To answer these questions we first need to consider Jerome’s understanding of Old Testament quotations in the New Testament (hereafter Quot.). When passages of the Old Testament are quoted in the New Testament, the wordings of some differ from those of the LXX which was the Old Testament for Christians in antiquity. Regarding these passages, Jerome claimed that their sources were not the LXX but the original Hebrew text. According to him, whenever the Evangelists and Paul quoted any passages of the Old Testament, they always chose the Hebrew text and translated it into Greek. If this assertion is correct and is based on an accurate knowledge of Hebrew, Jerome’s originality of exegesis and his competence in Hebrew is likely to be confirmed. Accordingly, we will analyse seven texts of Jerome (See section II), especially his Ep. 57, or Liber de optimo genere interpretandi, written c.395. In these texts, Jerome provides examples which indicate that the source of the Quot. was not the LXX but the Hebrew text.

Teppei Kato. ‘Jerome’s Understanding of Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament‘, in Vigiliae Christianae 67, pp. 289-292. Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2013.

Cavallera. Saint Athanase (295-373). 1908.

Saint Athanase (295-373) (1908)

Author: Cavallera, Ferdinand, 1875-1954
Subject: Athanasius, Saint, Patriarch of Alexandria, d. 373; Theology, Doctrinal
Publisher: Paris, Bloud
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: French
Call number: ALE-1824
Digitizing sponsor: msn
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: robarts; toronto

Cavallera. Saint Athanase (295-373). 1908. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Grützmacher. Hieronymus : eine biographische Studie zur alten Kirchengeschichte. 1901.

Hieronymus : eine biographische Studie zur alten Kirchengeschichte (August 1901)

Author: Grützmacher, Georg, 1866-
Volumes: 3
Subject: Jerome, Saint, d. 419 or 20; Church history
Publisher: Leipzig : Dieterich
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: German
Call number: AEQ-0286
Digitizing sponsor: msn
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: robarts; toronto

Grützmacher. Hieronymus : eine biographische Studie zur alten Kirchengeschichte. 1901. Volume 1. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Grützmacher. Hieronymus : eine biographische Studie zur alten Kirchengeschichte. 1901. Volume 2. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Grützmacher. Hieronymus : eine biographische Studie zur alten Kirchengeschichte. 1901. Volume 3. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Fabricius. Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. 1754.

Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. Editio prima italica a p. Joanne Dominico Mansi … e MSS. editisque codicibus correcta, illustrata, aucta .. (1754)

Author: Fabricius, Johann Albert, 1668-1736; Cavagna Sangiuliani di Gualdana, Antonio, conte, 1843-1913, former owner. IU-R; Schöttgen, Christian, 1687-1751; Mansi, Giovan Domenico, 1692-1769
Volumes: 6
Subject: Latin literature, Medieval and modern; Literature, Medieval
Publisher: Patavii, apud Joannem Manfrè
Language: Latin
Call number: 3086930
Digitizing sponsor: University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
Book contributor: University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
Collection: university_of_illinois_urbana-champaign; americana

Fabricius. Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. 1754. Voume… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Fabricius. Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. 1754. Voume… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Fabricius. Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. 1754. Voume… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Clementina, hoc est, B. Clementis Romani … Opera, quae quidem in hunc vsq[ue] diem à varijs auctoribus collecta, conuersa, emendatáq[ue] latinè exstant, omnia. 1570.

Clementina, hoc est, B. Clementis Romani … Opera, quae quidem in hunc vsq[ue] diem à varijs auctoribus collecta, conuersa, emendatáq[ue] latinè exstant, omnia : cum noua praefatione de veris falsisq[ue] B. Clementis scriptis, postremaq[ue] eorundem fideli emendatione, ac diligenti argumentorum difficiliumq[ue] locorum explanatione D. Lamberti Gruteri Venradii…

Autoría : Iglesia Católica. Papa (90-100 : Clemente I) Gruterus, Lambertus
Colaborador: Clemente I, Papa, Santo
Birckmann, Johann
Fecha de publicación: 1570
Cobertura Geográfica: Alemania-Colonia
Editorial : Coloniae Agrippinae : apud Ioannem Birckmannum
Descrípción física : [46], 565, [1] p. ; Fol.
Nota : Marca tip. en port. y al fin
Inic. grab.
Apostillas marginales
Colofón
Enc. Perg.
Sign.: *-**6, ***-****4, A-Z6, Aa-Zz6, Aaa6, Bbb4
Citado en: CCPB000005641-3
Palabras clave: Padres de la Iglesia
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10481/9748
Derechos : Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License
Aparece en las colecciones: Siglo XVI

Clementina, hoc est, B. Clementis Romani … Opera, quae quidem in hunc vsq[ue] diem à varijs auctoribus co… by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Heinrich. S. Ignatii patris apostolici quae feruntur Epistolae : una cum ejusdem martyrio. 1849.

S. Ignatii patris apostolici quae feruntur Epistolae : una cum ejusdem martyrio (1849)

Author: Ignatius, Saint, Bishop of Antioch, d. ca. 110; Petermann, Julius Heinrich, 1801-1876
Subject: Ignatius, Saint, Bishop of Antioch, d. ca. 110
Publisher: Lipsiae : Sumptibus F.C.G. Vogelii
Language: Ancient Greek; Latin; Armenian
Call number: AIU-1829
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: PIMS – University of Toronto
Collection: pimslibrary; toronto
Notes: tight binding, narrow margins

Petermann. S. Ignatii patris apostolici quae feruntur Epistolae : una cum ejusdem martyrio. 1849. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Montalembert. Les moines d’Occident depuis Saint Benoít jusqu’a Saint Bernard/The monks of the West, from St. Benedict to St. Bernard. 1878/1861.

A member of the French Academy from 9 January, 1851 Montalembert was both an orator and a historian. As early as 1835 he had planned to write a life of St. Bernard. He was led to publish in 1860, under the title “Les Moines d’Occident”, two volumes on the origin of monasticism; then followed three volumes on the monks in England; he died before he reached the period of St. Bernard. But he left among his papers, on the one hand, a manuscript entitled “Influence de l’ordre monastique sur la noblesse féodale et la société laïque jusqu’à la fin du XIe siàcle”, and on the other hand a work on Gregory VII and the conflict of investitures; and these two manuscripts, published in 1877 by his friend Foisset and his son-in-law the Vicomte de Meaux, made up the sixth and seventh volume of the “Moines d’Occident”.

Goyau, G. (1911). Comte de Montalembert. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Retrieved June 6, 2014 from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/10513b.htm


 

Les moines d’Occident depuis Saint Benoít jusqu’a Saint Bernard (1878)

Author: Montalembert, Charles Forbes, comte de, 1810-1870; Courson, Aurélien, comte de, 1811-1889
Volumes: 7
Subject: Monasticism and religious orders
Publisher: Paris : Lecoffre
Year: 1878
Language: French
Call number: AAM6654
Digitizing sponsor: Brigham Young University
Book contributor: Harold B. Lee Library
Collection: americana

 


The monks of the West, from St. Benedict to St. Bernard (1861)

Author: Montalembert, Charles Forbes, comte de, 1810-1870; Courson, Aurélien, comte de, 1811-1889, ed
Volumes: 7
Subject: Monasticism and religious orders
Publisher: Edinburgh and London, W. Blackwood and sons
Language: English
Call number: BX2461 .M76
Digitizing sponsor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Book contributor: Princeton Theological Seminary Library
Collection: Princeton; americana

Description
Original French edition published Paris, 1860-77, v. 6-7 being edited by Aurelien de Courson
–v. 1. Dedication. Introduction. book I. The Roman empire after the peace of the church. book II. Monastic precursors in the East. book III. Monastic precursors in the West. 1861.
–v. 2. book iv. St. Benedict. book v. St. Gregory the Great. Monastic Italy and Spain in the sixth and seventh centuries. book VI. The monks under the first Merovingians. book VII. St. Columbanus. The Irish in Gaul and the colonies of Luxeuil. 1861.
–v. 3. book VIII. Christian origin of the British Isles. book IX. St. Columba, the apostle of Caledonia, 521-597. book X. St. Augustin of Canterbury and the Roman missionaries in England, 597-633. Appendix: Iona. Conclusions of the two papers of M. Varin. 1867.
–v. 4. book XI. The Celtic monks and the Anglo-Saxons. book XII. St. Wilfrid establishes Roman unity and the Benedictine order, 634-709. book XIII. Contemporaries and successors of St. Wilfrid, 650-735. Appendix: Lindisfarne. Peterborough. Hexham. 1867.
–v. 5. Conclusion of book XIII. book XIV. Social and political influence of the monks among the Anglo-Saxons. book XV. the Anglo-Saxon nuns. 1867.
–v.6. book XVIII. The church and the feudal system. The monastic orders and society. book XIX St. Gregory, monk and pope, Appendix. 1879.
–v.7. book XIX continued. book XX. The predecessors of Calixtus II. 1879

 

Both editions available via:

Bibliotheca Pretiosa.

PLGO’ Scribd Account.

Quote. Ralph V. Turner. ‘Descendit Ad Inferos’ […]. 1966.

Pope Gregory wrote scores of letters that circulated widely throughout Christendom, and there is one among them in which he discussed Christ’s descent into hell. He wrote to two officers of the church at Constantinople regarding their preaching that Jesus had released from punishment all those in hell who acknowledged him as God. Gregory wrote that he wanted them to believe far differently, for the truth was that Christ delivered only those who had believed that he would come and had observed his commandments. He advised them, “Only hold the true faith taught by the Catholic Church: that the Lord on his descent into hell only released from its confines those who in their fleshly existence had been guarded by his grace in faith and in good works.” This emphasis upon good works had been lacking in Augustine’s exposition on the salvation of the ancients; but absent from Gregory’s work was Augustine’s doubt over the location of the ancient elect, for he was confident that they waited in hell for Christ’s coming. However, the Pope shared with St. Augustine the belief that if Christ had preached to all the souls in hell, it would have given sinners an unjust advantage over the faithful.
Gregory buttressed his teaching with the authority of Philastrius, a IVth-century bishop who had compiled a catalogue of heresies, Diversarum Hereseon Liber. He had labelled as heretics those, such as Clement and Origen, who say that Christ revealed himself to all the souls in hell and granted salvation to those who acknowledged him there. St. Gregory noted that St. Augustine had concurred in this condemnation. In sum, Gregory’s view was that Christ descended into hell to free those ancients who had believed that he would come and had spent their lives in faith and good works. Whether he felt that this limited salvation to the Jews or included pagans as well is left uncertain in his writings.

Ralph V. Turner. ‘Descendit Ad Inferos’: Medieval Views on Christ’s Descent into Hell and the Salvation of the Ancient Just. Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Apr. – Jun., 1966), pp. 178-179.