Weblog

Quote. Alan Thacker. Bede and the Ordering of Understanding. 2006.

From the Scriptures, Bede moves on to hagiography, history and martyrology, hymns and epigrams, and natural science and computus, concluding with orthography, meter and grammar. Now there is nothing random or accidental in all this. For Bede, knowledge was highly interconnected. Its primary focus was the Christian Scriptures and the body of authoritative learned commentary on those Scriptures. It was natural therefore to begin with biblical exegesis, Hagiography and history follow since they demonstrated the teaching elucidated in abstract terms in the commentaries in action, in the theater or human affairs. The close connections in Bede’s mind between exegesis and history are particularly evident in the links between the late commentaries, such as De tabernaculo, De templo, and In Ezram et Neemiam, and the Historia ecclesiastica.
After history and historiography, the next significant section in Bede’s list of his writings focuses on his scientific treatises on chronology and the natural world. Computistical calculation of course had considerable practical implications for monks and liturgists, and Bede was, as we all know, an outstanding computist. At a deeper level, however, he was interested in chronology as revealing the structure of time, that structure which, as Faith Wallis has recently pointed out, represented the “continuity and patters” of divine providence. Both his chronological treatises therefore culminate in discussion of the ages of the world, of the progress of time from creation to the sixth and present age, the last of historical time that will usher in “the eternal stability and stable eternity” of the seventh and final age. That doctrine of the seven ages of the world, predicated on the seven days of creation, brings us of course back full circle to the creation myth of Genesis and biblical exegesis.
Such concerns are intimately connected with Bede’s analysis of the natural world. That world could only be understood through the lens of Genesis, and De natura rerum begins with a discussion derived from Augustine of the biblical creation story. What follows (in which the principal sources -Augustine, Pliny and Isidore- are carefully indicated) is designed to bring the ancients’ understanding of the world into a scriptural perspective.
Computus also naturally intersected with history. Both Bede’s treatises on time ended in world chronicles, dating events by annus mundi, the age of the world. In them, as Faith Wallis has pointed out, Bede was writing universal history with a universal dating system. In the Historia ecclesiastica, he is specific, focused upon the salvation history of a single nation -and here, in work solely devoted to the last age, he uses a different dating system, centered on the incarnation, thereby Cristianizing the structure of time.

Alan Thacker, “Bede and the Ordering of Understanding”, in ‘Innovation and Tradition in the Writings of The Venerable Bede’, ed. by Scott DeGregorio, pp. 47-49. West Virginia University Press, 2006.

Sedgefield. King Alfred’s Old English version of Boethius De consolatione philosophiae. 1899.

King Alfred’s Old English version of

Boethius

De consolatione philosophiae

(1899)

Author: Boethius, d. 524; Alfred, King of England, 849-899; Sedgefield, Walter John, 1866-?
Subject:
Publisher: Oxford : Clarendon Press
Language: English
Call number: AJZ-5325
Book contributor: Kelly – University of Toronto
Collection: toronto

Sedgefield. King Alfred's Old English version of Boethius De consolatione philosophiae. 1899. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Quote. Einar Thomassen. Valentinian Ideas About Salvation as Transformation. 2009.

In his violent attack on the Valentinians in Book 31 of the Panarion, Bishop Epiphanius, amongst other grievances, also ridicules their views on resurrection:
They deny the resurrection of the dead, uttering some senseless fable about it not being this body that rises, but another one which comes from it and which they call “spiritual” (μὴ τὸ σῶμα τοῦτο ἀνίστασθαι, ἀλλ’ ἕτερον μὲν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, ὃ δὴ πνευματικὸν καλοῦσι). But [salvation belongs?] only to those among them who are spiritual, and to those called “psychic” –provided, that is, the psychics act justly. But those called “material”, “carnal” and “earthly” perish utterly and are in no way saved. Each substance proceeds to what emitted it: the material is given over to matter and what is carnal and earthly to the earth. (Pan. 31.7.6–7; trans. P. R. Amidon)
It is somewhat amusing that what Epiphanius here calls a “senseless fable” of the Valentinians in fact seems to be sound Pauline doctrine. The spiritual body that rises from the present one as a new and transformed being is precisely what Paul speaks about in 1 Cor 15:44: σπείρεται σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἐγείρεται σῶμα πνευματικόν. In other words, the Valentinians appear to have held a view of the resurrection that was more in agreement with Paul than was the doctrine professed by the heresy-hunting bishop.

Einar Thomassen. ‘Valentinian Ideas About Salvation as Transformation’. In “Ekstasis – Religious Experience from Antiquity to the Middle Ages”, 1 – ‘Metamorphoses’, p. 169. 2009.

Article. Il Vaticano II all’interno della «traditio ecclesiae»: La prospettiva patristica. Daniele Gianotti. 2012

Il Vaticano II all’interno della «traditio ecclesiae».
La prospettiva patristica.
Daniele Gianotti
Rivista di scienze religiose
(Molfetta), 26 (2012) 329-346

Sommario:

Il contributo si propone di indicare i tratti principali dell’influsso avuto sul concilio Vaticano II dal «ressourcement» patristico del Novecento. Dopo aver richiamato le discussioni in merito alla vigilia del Vaticano II e nei primi dibattiti conciliari, vengono indicati tre snodi centrali, nei quali il riferimento ai Padri della Chiesa ha giocato un ruolo importante: l’inizio della discussione sul de Ecclesia, l’adozione dello «schema Philips», il dibattito sulla collegialità episcopale. Nella parte conclusiva, vengono indicati alcuni aspetti più significativi dell’ecclesiologia patristica accolta dal Vaticano II.

Article available here.

Quote. Henry Chadwick. Boetius. 1981.

The preface to Boethius’ Institutio arithmetica implies an intention to write introductions to all four mathematical disciplines. Declarations of intent are not always fulfilled. At one time Augustine intended to write treatises on all seven liberal arts, but he completed only his projects on grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, something on geometry, and the six well­ known books on music. His Grammar was already lost from his own library at Hippo before he came to write his Retractations (i, 6) near the end of his life. A comparable misfortune seems early to have struck Boethius’ writings on geometry and, especially, astronomy.
Nothing by Boethius on astronomy has been transmitted by the medieval manuscript tradition, nor is any such work mentioned by Cassiodorus in his Institutiones. In the tenth century Gerbert of Aurillac, to be Pope Sylvester II from 999 to his death in 1003, speaks of Boethius as author of eight books on astronomy (astrologia) which he had seen in a manuscript at Bobbio. But the work (if really that by Boethius) failed to find copyists. Students preferred to find their astronomy in Macrobius’ commentary on Cicero’s Dream of Scipio or from Martianus Capella or from Cassiodorus. However, one likely model for Boethius’ treatise is the summary of Ptolemy’s Mathematike Syntaxis (the `Almagest’) composed by Proclus, a work which is still extant, though not edited since L. Allatius’ edition (Leyden, 1635). If Boethius’ work followed this precedent, he will have taken the earth as the static centre of a spherical cosmos, the Ptolemaic system assumed in his commentary on the Categories (212BC), and will have explained how the heavenly bodies move in relation to it; the solar year and its relation to the lunar months; the design and use of the astrolabe (an instrument in whose use Ammonius’ high skill is reported by Simplicius, In de Caelo, p. 462, 20); eclipses, fixed stars, the precession of the equinoxes; finally the courses of the planets. How far he comprehended Ptolemy’s trigonometry we cannot guess, and it is idle to speculate further. The allusion to Ptolemy’s astronomical geography in the Consolation of Philosophy (ii, 7, 4) as a work specially studied by Boethius is no doubt to be interpreted as an allusion to Boethius’ treatise on the subject.

Henry Chadwick. Boetius. ‘The Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology, and Philosphy’, II – Liberal Arts in the Collapse of Culture. Geometry and Astronomy, p. 102. Clarendon Paperbacks, 1981.

Quote. Robert M. Grant. Early Christians and Animals. 1999.

Isidore died before finishing his Etymologies, divided into twenty books by his friend Braulio, bishop of Saragossa. The title reflects his basic literary interests, and his method often leads him into fanciful word-derivations which he considers scientific. He discusses animals at the end of Book XI and in the whole of Book XII, and is less credulous than the author of the Physiologus. He has avoided many legendary anecdotes because he has analyzed narratives in the manner of Greek rhetoric, dividing them into three classes defined as historical fact, fiction, and myth.
For Isidore historical “facts” really took place, and even if “argumenta” (fictitious accounts) did not occur they could have occurred. Fables (myths) did not occur and cannot occur, however, because they are contrary to nature. The Physiologus, of course, had paid no attention to such distinctions, but Isidore was better trained in rhetorical analysis and more concerned with it. Though he discussed many of the fabled creatures found in the Physiologus, he did not often classify them as “animals.” Relying on Varro (through Augustine), he placed “monsters” and “fabulous portents” at the end of the eleventh book (or did his editor Braulio do this?), accepting the first group of portents as trustworthy (11.3.1–27), and even (like Pliny) citing Aristotle as an authority. These stories are placed under the heading “portents” and are different from the materials “on animals,” but they are also different from a few fabulous and fictitious accounts which can be explained away (11.3.28–39). Isidore definitely believes that transformations of men into beasts, or vice versa, are possible, and it seems surprising that he accepts the existence of vampires (11.4).
Henkel notes Isidore’s criticism, possibly after Augustine, of the tales about the weasel and the pelican and his references to the existence of hearsay. Isidore’s work is somewhat more “scientific” than the Physiologus, and Henkel rightly insists that medieval people did not regard the latter as a textbook of zoology. It is not what we should call scientific, however, for it is based on neither observation nor analysis but simply on rhetorical tradition.

Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, pp. 113-114. Routledge, 1999.

Revue de l’Orient Latin. 1893-1902.

Due to some changes and adjustments in our collections, the past November 23, 2012, some documents were deleted in various collections, some of them being deleted completely.

Between these, the 9 volumes of the ‘Revue de l’Orient Latin’ disappear, letting empty such collection.

We have re-uploaded all 9 volumes, and now they are again on line, and open to public read.

In the next days we will work on the ‘Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio‘, damaged too in such date.


Nota: the ‘Revue de l’Orient Latin’ were digitized by Gallica, and may be accessed directly through this link:
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb32857441f/date.r=revue+de+l’orient+latin.langFR

Un aliciente para seguir trabajando. 2’000,000 de visitas.

El día de hoy, las colecciones que hemos puesto a disposición de visitantes y de la Comunidad Académica en general, está llegando a los 2 millones de visitas.

Una cifra nada desdeñable, sobre todo en el medio en el cual realizamos nuestras labores: La Patrología.

4,348 ítems registrados, y 742 seguidores.

 

1'999,777

 

El año 2012 ha sido decisivo, y todo un reto a sortear por la comunidad PLGO. Hemos sufrido ataques, amenazas, como pocas veces antes se incrementó el spam, y todo ello ocasionó un fuerte deterioro tanto en los proyectos como en la vida misma de la comunidad PLGO en sus diferentes áreas.

Nos abruma principalmente la incertidumbre de sabernos en manos caprichosas, precisamente las de quienes nos proveen de hosting, quienes han dejado muy en claro su intención de ‘mantenernos en la mira’, y pendientes de cualquier ‘falta’ que contravenga sus intereses: el dinero.

Quieren, a como dé lugar, que paguemos más, que rentemos y solicitemos el uso de un servidor dedicado. Lo cual queda fuera de nuestras posibilidades, y no entra en nuestros planes ni siquiera como una opción a mediano o largo plazo. Por tanto, habremos de seguir trabajando con lo que tenemos a la mano, haciendo nuestra labor lo mejor que podemos, y sobre todo, sabiendo que cualquier empresa dejada en las manos de los hombres tarde que temprano llegará a su fin. Si algo bueno hay en todo esto que pueda ayudar a quienes requieren algún tipo de información, esperamos que sea un mérito, el mínimo entre todos, cuando el Padre nos llame a dar cuentas al final de nuestros días sobre este mundo.

Así, pues, tomamos este hecho quizá intrascendente, como un aliciente para seguir adelante, y no desfallecer aunque el horizonte no parezca despoblado de nubarrones y relámpagos y centellas.

Felicidades a todos y cada uno de los miembros que conforman la comunidad PLGO, y sobre todo, a los visitantes quienes hacen posible que proyectos como el de la biblioteca en línea a través de Scribd, sean mucho más que un mero conglomerado de e-books: un proyecto útil que sirve de la mejor manera posible a la comunidad en general.

Francisco Arriaga.
Miembro del Equipo de Administradores de la Comunidad PLGO.

Becker. Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber. 1857.

Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber;

(1857)

Author: Isidore, of Seville, Saint, d. 636; Becker, Gustav Heinrich, 1833-1886, ed
Subject: Meteorology; Astronomy
Publisher: Berolini, Weidmanni svmptvs fecervnt
Language: Latin
Call number: 9662797
Digitizing sponsor: The Library of Congress
Book contributor: The Library of Congress
Collection: library_of_congress; americana

Becker. Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber. 1857.

Watts. St. Augustine’s Confessions : with an English translation. 1912.

St. Augustine’s Confessions :

with an English translation (1912)

Author: Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo; Watts, William, 1590?-1649; Rouse, W. H. D. (William Henry Denham), 1863-1950
Volumes: 2
Publisher: London : W. Heinemann ; Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: English
Call number: SRLF_UCLA:LAGE-5959408
Digitizing sponsor: Internet Archive
Book contributor: University of California Libraries
Collection: cdl; americana

Watts. St. Augustine's Confessions : with an English translation. 1912. Volume 1.

Watts. St. Augustine's Confessions : with an English translation. 1912. Volume 2.

Internet Archive: 3-for-1 Match for All Donations!

3-for-1 Match for All Donations!

A generous supporter has offered to match every dollar we raise 3-to-1 through December 31st. We are trying to raise $150,000 in donations by the end of the year – with the match, that will give us $600,000, enough to buy 4 more petabytes of storage.

Help us keep the library free for millions of people by making a tax-deductible donation today.

IA: Petabox

Gumerlock. Mark 13:32 and Christ’s Supposed Ignorance: Four Patristic Solutions. 2007.

Trinity Journal 28 (2007):205-213
Mark 13:32 and Christ’s Supposed Ignorance:
Four Patristic Solutions

THE PROBLEM OF CHRIST’S SUPPOSED IGNORANCE

Referring to the time of His Second Coming, Jesus is recorded as saying, “But of
that day or hour, no one knows, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father
alone” (Mark 13:32, NASB. The word alone is italicized because it was supplied by the
translator). The church fathers spilled much ink explaining this statement of the Lord,
most often because of its import regarding Christology.2 Since the passage allegedly
presents Christ as ignorant, the Arians of the early church, who denied that the Son was
consubstantial with the Father, used it as a proof-text for their belief in a less-than-divine
Son of God.3 On the other hand, those who held to Nicene orthodoxy and believed that
Jesus was fully God and possessed all the attributes of divinity, including omniscience,
responded to the Arians with Colossians 3:2, “In Him are all the treasures of wisdom and
knowledge.” The adherents of Nicene orthodoxy, besides asserting Christ’s omniscience,
also had to make sense out of Mark 13:32, which seemed to teach that Jesus was ignorant
of at least one detail concerning the future, i.e. the time of His return. To solve the
theological dilemma of the omniscient Son of God not knowing the time of His own
Second Coming, the church fathers proposed a variety of explanations. This article
presents and evaluates four of their solutions—the philological solution of Basil of
Caesarea, two “figures of speech” solutions offered by Augustine of Hippo and Gregory
of Tours respectively, and the anthropological solution of Athanasius of Alexandria.

Article kindly provided by Francis X. Gumerlock, through his website.