Quote. Henry Chadwick. Boetius. 1981.

The preface to Boethius’ Institutio arithmetica implies an intention to write introductions to all four mathematical disciplines. Declarations of intent are not always fulfilled. At one time Augustine intended to write treatises on all seven liberal arts, but he completed only his projects on grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, something on geometry, and the six well­ known books on music. His Grammar was already lost from his own library at Hippo before he came to write his Retractations (i, 6) near the end of his life. A comparable misfortune seems early to have struck Boethius’ writings on geometry and, especially, astronomy.
Nothing by Boethius on astronomy has been transmitted by the medieval manuscript tradition, nor is any such work mentioned by Cassiodorus in his Institutiones. In the tenth century Gerbert of Aurillac, to be Pope Sylvester II from 999 to his death in 1003, speaks of Boethius as author of eight books on astronomy (astrologia) which he had seen in a manuscript at Bobbio. But the work (if really that by Boethius) failed to find copyists. Students preferred to find their astronomy in Macrobius’ commentary on Cicero’s Dream of Scipio or from Martianus Capella or from Cassiodorus. However, one likely model for Boethius’ treatise is the summary of Ptolemy’s Mathematike Syntaxis (the `Almagest’) composed by Proclus, a work which is still extant, though not edited since L. Allatius’ edition (Leyden, 1635). If Boethius’ work followed this precedent, he will have taken the earth as the static centre of a spherical cosmos, the Ptolemaic system assumed in his commentary on the Categories (212BC), and will have explained how the heavenly bodies move in relation to it; the solar year and its relation to the lunar months; the design and use of the astrolabe (an instrument in whose use Ammonius’ high skill is reported by Simplicius, In de Caelo, p. 462, 20); eclipses, fixed stars, the precession of the equinoxes; finally the courses of the planets. How far he comprehended Ptolemy’s trigonometry we cannot guess, and it is idle to speculate further. The allusion to Ptolemy’s astronomical geography in the Consolation of Philosophy (ii, 7, 4) as a work specially studied by Boethius is no doubt to be interpreted as an allusion to Boethius’ treatise on the subject.

Henry Chadwick. Boetius. ‘The Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology, and Philosphy’, II – Liberal Arts in the Collapse of Culture. Geometry and Astronomy, p. 102. Clarendon Paperbacks, 1981.

Quote. Robert M. Grant. Early Christians and Animals. 1999.

Isidore died before finishing his Etymologies, divided into twenty books by his friend Braulio, bishop of Saragossa. The title reflects his basic literary interests, and his method often leads him into fanciful word-derivations which he considers scientific. He discusses animals at the end of Book XI and in the whole of Book XII, and is less credulous than the author of the Physiologus. He has avoided many legendary anecdotes because he has analyzed narratives in the manner of Greek rhetoric, dividing them into three classes defined as historical fact, fiction, and myth.
For Isidore historical “facts” really took place, and even if “argumenta” (fictitious accounts) did not occur they could have occurred. Fables (myths) did not occur and cannot occur, however, because they are contrary to nature. The Physiologus, of course, had paid no attention to such distinctions, but Isidore was better trained in rhetorical analysis and more concerned with it. Though he discussed many of the fabled creatures found in the Physiologus, he did not often classify them as “animals.” Relying on Varro (through Augustine), he placed “monsters” and “fabulous portents” at the end of the eleventh book (or did his editor Braulio do this?), accepting the first group of portents as trustworthy (11.3.1–27), and even (like Pliny) citing Aristotle as an authority. These stories are placed under the heading “portents” and are different from the materials “on animals,” but they are also different from a few fabulous and fictitious accounts which can be explained away (11.3.28–39). Isidore definitely believes that transformations of men into beasts, or vice versa, are possible, and it seems surprising that he accepts the existence of vampires (11.4).
Henkel notes Isidore’s criticism, possibly after Augustine, of the tales about the weasel and the pelican and his references to the existence of hearsay. Isidore’s work is somewhat more “scientific” than the Physiologus, and Henkel rightly insists that medieval people did not regard the latter as a textbook of zoology. It is not what we should call scientific, however, for it is based on neither observation nor analysis but simply on rhetorical tradition.

Robert M. Grant. ‘Early Christians and Animals’, pp. 113-114. Routledge, 1999.

Becker. Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber. 1857.

Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber;


Author: Isidore, of Seville, Saint, d. 636; Becker, Gustav Heinrich, 1833-1886, ed
Subject: Meteorology; Astronomy
Publisher: Berolini, Weidmanni svmptvs fecervnt
Language: Latin
Call number: 9662797
Digitizing sponsor: The Library of Congress
Book contributor: The Library of Congress
Collection: library_of_congress; americana

Becker. Isidori Hispalensis De natvra rervm liber. 1857.

Watts. St. Augustine’s Confessions : with an English translation. 1912.

St. Augustine’s Confessions :

with an English translation (1912)

Author: Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo; Watts, William, 1590?-1649; Rouse, W. H. D. (William Henry Denham), 1863-1950
Volumes: 2
Publisher: London : W. Heinemann ; Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: English
Call number: SRLF_UCLA:LAGE-5959408
Digitizing sponsor: Internet Archive
Book contributor: University of California Libraries
Collection: cdl; americana

Watts. St. Augustine's Confessions : with an English translation. 1912. Volume 1.

Watts. St. Augustine's Confessions : with an English translation. 1912. Volume 2.

Gumerlock. Mark 13:32 and Christ’s Supposed Ignorance: Four Patristic Solutions. 2007.

Trinity Journal 28 (2007):205-213
Mark 13:32 and Christ’s Supposed Ignorance:
Four Patristic Solutions


Referring to the time of His Second Coming, Jesus is recorded as saying, “But of
that day or hour, no one knows, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father
alone” (Mark 13:32, NASB. The word alone is italicized because it was supplied by the
translator). The church fathers spilled much ink explaining this statement of the Lord,
most often because of its import regarding Christology.2 Since the passage allegedly
presents Christ as ignorant, the Arians of the early church, who denied that the Son was
consubstantial with the Father, used it as a proof-text for their belief in a less-than-divine
Son of God.3 On the other hand, those who held to Nicene orthodoxy and believed that
Jesus was fully God and possessed all the attributes of divinity, including omniscience,
responded to the Arians with Colossians 3:2, “In Him are all the treasures of wisdom and
knowledge.” The adherents of Nicene orthodoxy, besides asserting Christ’s omniscience,
also had to make sense out of Mark 13:32, which seemed to teach that Jesus was ignorant
of at least one detail concerning the future, i.e. the time of His return. To solve the
theological dilemma of the omniscient Son of God not knowing the time of His own
Second Coming, the church fathers proposed a variety of explanations. This article
presents and evaluates four of their solutions—the philological solution of Basil of
Caesarea, two “figures of speech” solutions offered by Augustine of Hippo and Gregory
of Tours respectively, and the anthropological solution of Athanasius of Alexandria.

Article kindly provided by Francis X. Gumerlock, through his website.

Q. Septimii Florentis Tertulliani… Operum, tomus primus & secundus [Audoënum Parvum, Ed.]. 1566.


prefbyteri, autoris antiquiffimi
ac doctiffimi operum,


Ad complures veteres è Gallieanis Germanicifque
bibliothecis conquifitos codices recognitus, in qui-
bus præcipuus fuit vnus longè incorruptiffi-
mus in vltimam vfque petitus Bri-
tanniam: non omiffis accuratis

Catalogum autem aperiet verfa pagina.

Accebit & Index copiofior.


Apud Audoënum Paruum, fub interfignio Lilij
Aurei, via ad D. Iacobum.

Identifiant pérenne de la notice : http://www.sudoc.fr/100327192

Titre : Q. Septimii Florentis Tertulliani… Operum, tomus primus [-secundus]
Alphabet du titre : latin
Auteur(s) : Tertullien (0155?-0222?). Auteur
Gelenius, Sigismundus (1497-1554). Éditeur scientifique
Rhenanus, Beatus (1485-1547). Notes
Thurzo, Stanislaus von (1471-1540). Dédicataire
Petit, Oudin (15..-1572). Éditeur commercial
Wechel, André (15..-1581). Imprimeur / Imprimeur-libraire
Pamèle, Jacques de (1536-1587). Ancien possesseur
Date(s) : 1566
Langue(s) : latin
Pays : France
Editeur(s) : Parisiis, apud Audoënum Parvum, sub intersignio lilii aurei, via ad D. Jacobum. 1566
Description : 2 t. ([110-2bl.]-760 p. ; [61-3bl.]-751-[1bl.] p.) : ill. gr.s.b. ; in-8
Contient : Vita Q. Septimi Florentis Tertulliani, per Beatum Rhenanum
Notes : Avis au lecteur par Sigismundus Gelenius, table des matières, préface dédiée à Stanislaus von Thurzo par Beatus Rhenanus, datée de Bâle le 1er juillet 1521, index (t.1) ; table des matières, index (t.2). – Marque aux titres [Renouard (Marques) 908], bandeaux, lettrines. – Sign. ã8 ẽ8 ĩ8 õ8 ũ8 2ã8 2ẽ8 a-3a8 3b4 ; [-]8 β8 γ8 [-]8 A-3A8. – BN Cat. gén.. – STC French books, 1470-1600. – Adams. – P. Petitmengin, “Jacques de Pamèle, passeur de manuscrits perdus de Tertullien” dans “Passeurs de textes” dir. Y. Sordet, 2009, (n. 15-16 : exemplaire de la BSG). – Reproduction du tome 1 (Fac-similé numérique de l’exemplaire conservé à la BSG sous la cote : 8 CC 1097 INV 1046 RES). – Reproduction du tome 2 (Fac-similé numérique de l’exemplaire conservé à la BSG sous la cote : 8 CC 1098 INV 1047 RES)
Autre(s) titre(s) : Operum, tomus primus [-secundus]
Ville d’édition : Paris

Origine de la notice : BSG/AIC-SAFIG

  1. Tomus I.
  2. Tomus II.

Aurelius Augustinus. Opera Omnia [Eras. of Rot. Ed.]. 1529.

The Zentralbibliothek Zürich through the E-rara digital library, is offering the Opera Omnia of St. Augustin, in the edition reviewed by Erasm of Rotterdarm.
This edition count 10 volumes, with a total of +8,000 pages. All of them are available to read on-line, or as downloads in .pdf format.

The archives to read online are provided as full-color images.

To get access into the .pdf files, only open the ‘Table of contents‘, at the bottom of the informational page, and you will get a list with the whole pdfs, belonging to complete volumes, or only partial downloads, this mean, spare works.


The importance of this kind of releases rest not only in the bibliographical or philological aspect, but in the possibility of realize another approximations to the Patristic works reviewed in the Renaissance period:

ONE OF THE MORE neglected areas of current Renaissance studies is the investigation of the literary scholarship of the humanists. When we think of Lorenzo Valla, we think of his dialogue On the True and False Good, the Declamation on the Donation of Constantine, and the dialogue On Free Will, but rarely of his translations of the Greek historians, his investigations into the text of Livy, or his comparison of the Vulgate with the Greek text of the New Testament. The name of Erasmus brings to mind the Enchiridion, the Colloquies, and the Praise of Folly much more readily than the translations of Euripides, the editions of the Church Fathers, or the Annotations to the New Testament. This state of affairs is particularly surprising in view of the fact that the Renaissance humanists owed their reputations in large measure to their work in the field of classical and biblical scholarship. Furthermore, when historians do turn their attention to Renaissance scholarship, they tend to speak of it in general terms, as though there were little important qualitative difference between one Renaissance scholar and another. The humanists in general are said to have introduced critical methods into scholarship, to have become concerned with producing accurate texts of the classics and the scriptures, and to have insisted on understanding works of literature and scripture in their proper historical context.

“Biblical Philology and Christian Humanism: Lorenzo Valla and Erasmus as Scholars of the Gospels” by Jerry H. Bentley.

University of Hawaii at Manoa. Sixteenth Century Journal, VIII, Supplement (1977).

Poujoulat. Lettres de Saint Augustin. 1858.

Originally divided in 4 séries, Poujoulat translated to French the Letters of St. Augustin.

The contents of the 4 Volumes available in Internet Archive, are the next:

  1. Première série. Lettres écrites par Saint Augustin avant sa promotion a l’Épiscopat. Lettres 1-XXX.
  2. Deuxième série. Lettres écrites par Saint Augustin depuis sa promotion a l’Épiscopat, en 396, jusq’à la Conférence de Carthage, en 410. Lettres XXXI-CXXIII.
  3. Troisième série. Lettres écrites depuis l’anée de la Conférence de Carthage, en 411, jusqu’à sa mort, en 450. Lettres CXXIV-CCXXXI.
  4. Quatrième série. Lettres sans date. Lettres CCXXXI-CCLXX. Lettres sans date.

Available here:

Saint Augustin. Œuvres Complètes [Poujoulat, Raulx, Eds.]. 1864.

Finally, the edition of Poujoulat-Raulx of Saint Augustin, Œuvres Complètes, is totally available in Internet Archive.

This edition count 17 items, the last added were the nos. 6 and 14, taken of the University of Ottawa collection.

You can access this work in our Scribd account, or directly through Internet Archive [University of Ottawa Digitazion] and the PIMS digitized collection.

Robinson. Texts and studies: contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. 1891.

Texts and studies :

contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature

Author: Robinson, J. Armitage (Joseph Armitage), 1858-1933
Subject: Ambrosiaster; Palladius, Bishop of Aspuna, d. ca. 430; Euthalius; Athanasian Creed; Egyptian Church Order; Nicene Creed; Bible; Bible; Codex purpureus petropolitanus; Liturgies
Publisher: Cambridge : University Press
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: English
Call number: AFD-7083
Digitizing sponsor: MSN
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: robarts; toronto


Collection available in the Bibliotheca Pretiosa.

Available too in Scribd.

Robinson. Texts and studies : contributions to Biblical and Patristic literature. 1891. Volume 1. by Patrologia Latina, Graeca et Orientalis

Vivien. Tertullianus praedicans. 1856.

Tertullianus praedicans :

et, supra quam libet materiam omnibus anni Dominicis, et testis non ordinariis solum, sed etiam extraordinariis ; singulisque quadragesimae feriis praedicabilem … sex ad minus formans conciones …


Author: Tertullian, ca. 160-ca. 230; Vivien, Michael
Volumes: 6
Subject: Sermons, Latin
Publisher: Avenione : Typis F. Sequin
Language: Latin
Call number: AWM-1454
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: PIMS – University of Toronto
Collection: pimslibrary; toronto

Luchaire. Innocent III. 1906-1908.

Innocent III

(1906-1908 [v. 1, 1907])

Author: Luchaire, Achille, 1846-1908
Volumes: 6
Subject: Innocent III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216; Catholic Church; Lateran Council 1215); Albigenses; Italy — History 476-1268; Latin Empire, 1204-1261; Holy Roman Empire — History Otto IV, 1198-1215
Publisher: Paris : Hachette et cie
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: English
Call number: ANB-8552
Digitizing sponsor: MSN
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: robarts; toronto

Une figure ronde et juvenile, de grands yeux avec des sourcils bien arques, un nez droit et une petite bouche. Sur la tete, une tiare en etoffe, simple bonnet pointu que terminent, en haut, une houppe, en bas, un cercle de metal. Sur le buste, l’insigne du haut sacerdoce, le pallium, bande de laine blanche semee de croix rouges. C’est ainsi que le fragment de mosai’que conserve dans la villa du due Torlonia, a Poli, et la peinture de l’eglise souterraine du Sacro Speco, a Subiaco, representent lepape Innocent III. L’histoire ajoute qu’il avail la taille petite, la physionomie agreable, la parole facile et la voix tellement sonore et bien timbree que tout le monde l’entendait et le comprenait même quand il parlait a voix basse.

Quand on suit la route de Rome a Naples, l’ancienne voie Latine, on debouche, vers le soixantieme kilometre, dans la vallee de la riviere Sacco. En haut des premiers sommets qui l’encadrent, a cinq ou six cents metres, apparaissent, perchees sur l’assise eternelle de leurs murs cyclopeens, Segni, Anagni, Ferentino, Palestrina, les vieilles villes Herniques. Leurs eglises ont pour base des substructions de temples pai’ens. Saint-Pierre de Segni, Sainte-Marie d’Anagni, massives comme des forteresses, dominent encore les maisons de pierre et les remparts de leur cite.

D’est la qu’etait le patrimoine d’Innocent III. Les chatelains de Segni, une lignee d’origine lombarde, possedaient, depuis le dixieme siecle, le comte de la Campagne romaine. Mais ce n’est qu’apres Innocent III que, pourvus d’importantes proprietes a Rome et aux environs, et illustres par leur grand pape, ils s’appelerent comtes tout court, en italien conti. Telle fut l’origine de la puissante maison romaine des Conti, rivale des Orsini, des Colonna, des Savelli. Rien qu’au treizieme siecle, elle devait fournir plusieurs papes au monde chretien.