Latina, Graeca et Orientais
NOTITIA
SCRIPTORUM SS. PATRUM
ALIORUMQUE VETERIS ECCLESIÆ
MONUMENTORUM,
QUÆ
IN COLLECTIONIBUS ANECDOTORUM
POST ANNUM CHRISTI MDCC. IN LUCEM EDITIS
COTINENTUR,
NUNC PRIMUM INSTRUCTA
OPERA ET STUDIO
JOANNIS GOULTER DOWLING, A. M.
E COLLEGIO WADHAMENSI,
ECCLESIÆ ANGLICANÆ PRESBYTERI.
OXONII,
E TYPOGRAPHEO ACADEMICO.
MDCCCXXXIX.
DIODOR VON TARSUS
VIER PSEUDOJUSTINISCHE SCHRIFTEN
ALS
EIGENTUM DIODORS
NACHGEWIESEN
VON
ADOLF HARNACK
LEIPZIG
J. C. HINRICHS’sche BUCHHANDLUNG
1901
Inhalt.
§ 1. Die Überlieferung der Quaestiones et Responsiones ad orthodoxes 1
§ 2. Die bisher aufgestellten Ansichten über den Ursprung dieser Schrift 8
§ 3. Die Einheit und Integrität der Schrift 15
§ 4. Der Interlocutor und der Verfasser 18
§ 5. Die Abfassungszeit der Schrift 20
§ 6. Der Abfassungsort der Schrift 29
§ 7. Der Verfasser der Schrift (Diodor von Tarsus) 33
§ 8. Vergleichung der „Quaestiones” mit den sonst bekannten Fragmenten Diodors 44
§ 9. Die Quaestiones Gentilium ad Christianos und die Quaestiones Christianorum ad Gentiles (Diodor der Verfasser) 46
§ 10. Die Confutatio dogmatum Aristotelis (Diodor der Verfasser) . 52
§ 11. Die in den vier Schriften benutzten Bücher und die Bibel Diodors 54
Die Texte 67
I. Antworten an die Orthodoxen auf einige notwendige Fragen 69
II. Hellenische Fragen an die Christen über das Unkörperliche und über Gott und über die Auferstehung der Toten 161
III. [Christliche Fragen an die Hellenen samt den Antworten der Hellenen und der Duplik] 182
IV. “Widerlegung einiger aristotelischer Lehren 225Schlussausführung (Themistius oder ein Gesinnungsgenosse desselben der Gegner Diodors) 231
Anhang: Die Expositio rectae fidei 242
Index zu den Quaestiones et Responsiones 249
IN THE EDITIO MINOR OF GEBHARDT-HARNACK-ZAHN
(department of new testament language and literature)
BY
HENRY B. ROBISON
The purpose of this study is to exhibit with fulness and accuracy the usage of the participle in the writings of the so-called Apostolic Fathers, and to point out what usages are decreasing in frequency of occurrence and what are increasing, whether any earlier usage is absent, and whether any new usage appears.
Such study has its value in helping to determine the place of these writings in the development of the Greek language, in the light which is thus thrown upon the usages of the New Testament books, and in the aid that is given for their interpretation.
This literature arose from a grade of culture and realm of thought similar to that of the New Testament and extends a half-century the basis for the study of the New Testament usage.
Author: Esteves Pereira, Francisco María, 1854-1924
Language: Portuguese
Call number: AED-9944
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: toronto
De todas as narrações lendárias, que os antigos Egypcios consignaram por escripto, e foram conservadas até ao nosso tempo, nenhuma é mais notável pelo assumpto, nem mais attrahente pela forma, do que aquella que é conhecida pelo nome de Conto do Naufrago. Esta narração tem excepcional importância para a geographia e ethnographia por conter noticias da grande expansão de um dos povos mais celebres da antiguidade, os Phenicios; é de subido interesse para a historia do commercio por indicar a proveniência de muitos productos naturaes, que em remotos tempos eram avidamente procurados dos orientaes; é de inestimável valor para o estudo das tradições populares por conservar a forma, mais próxima da original, de uma lenda, que mais tarde foi adoptada e vulgarisada pelos Gregos na Odysseia e pelos Árabes nas Mil e lima noites; e emfim constitue um monumento litterario preciosissimo da antiga lingua dos Egypcios, porque foi escripto em uma das epochas mais brilhantes da litteratura pharaonica.
Author: Esteves Pereira, Francisco Maria, ed. [and] tr
Subject: Ethiopic language
Publisher: Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional
Language: Portuguese; Ethiopic; Spanish
Call number: AEQ-9038
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: toronto
A Historia das gentes de Nagran e martyrio de, S. Hirut e dos seus companheiros é o titulo de uma obra escripta em geez, na qual são referidas as perseguições, que os Christãos da cidade de Nagran soffreram no primeiro quartel do século vi da era de Christo, e da expedição que o rei de Ethiopia fez contra o rei de Himyar, perseguidor dos mesmos Christãos. Esta obra não é urna composição original, mas deriva, por intermedio de uma traducção arábica, de uma obra analoga escripta em grego, que tem por titulo Martfrio de S. Arethas e dos seus companheiros tía cidade de Negran. Por sua vez, a primeira parte d’esta obra escripta em grego, na qual são referidas as perseguições dos Christãos da cidade de Nagran, é a narração ordenada chronologicamente do que acerca dos mesmos acontecimentos se refere em uma carta escripta em syriaco e attribuida a Simeón, bispo de Beth-Arsam. Este ultimo documento, porém, parece não ter authenticidade, e os acontecimentos nelle referidos não serem genuinamente históricos; comtudo o seu autor recolheu da tradição oral a lenda, que no fim do século VI corría na Syria, acerca das oppressões que alguns reis de Himyar exerceram sobre os Christãos dos seus dominios, sem duvida exageradas pelo fanatismo religioso, e acerca das guerras entre os reis de Ethiopia e de Himyar, que terminaram pela conquista e desapparecimento do reino de Himyar. Sendo o fim principal d’este estudo publicar a versão ethiopica da narração das perseguições dos Christãos da cidade de Nagran, não pareceu necessário investigar aqui a origem e estudar o desenvolvimento da lenda, nem discutir o valor histórico de todos os documentos, em que foi conservada; julgou-se suíficiente referir de modo summario os factos, em que a lenda se funda, e dar noticia dos documentos, dos quaes mais ou menos directamente deriva a narração escripta em geez. Para melhor comprehensão d’este documento, e para mais facilmente se observarem as transformações, que a narração soffreu desde o documento syriaco até á versão ethiopica, fez-se preceder esta da traducção da carta attribuida a Simeón, bispo de Beth-Arsam, e da do Martyrio de S. Arelhas e dos seiís companheiros tia cidade de Negran. Emfim, como complemento, reuniram-se em appendice as tradições escriptas ou oraes, que entre os Abexins correm acerca do rei, a quem elles attribuem a conquista do reino de Himyar.
Author: Esteves Pereira, Francisco Maria, tr. [and] ed
Subject: Minas, King of Ethiopia, d.1563; Ethiopic language
Publisher: Lisboa, Imperensa Nacional
Language: Portuguese; Ethiopic
Call number: AEQ-9035
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: toronto
Entre as obras que nos restara da litteratura géez, aquellas, cujo assumpto ó a historia de Ethiopia, teem particular importância, pois que por uma parte são os documentos mais authenticos, que possuimos, para reconstituir a historia d’aquelle paiz, completando-os e rectificando-os com os escriptos em outras linguas; por outra parte fíizem conhecer, melhor ainda do que as relações dos viajantes, os usos, os costumes, e tudo o que em geral é comprehendido debaixo da designação de cultura e civilisação de uma nação. Accresce ainda, que as mesmas obras são composições originaes dos indígenas, e não traducções, como a maior parte das que formam aquella litteratura, e que chegaram até nós.
As Historias ou Chronicas dos Reis de Ethiopia que existem manuscriptas nas differentes Bibliothecas da Europa, são uma narração singela, que em umas se limita ao registo, anno a anno, dos acontecimentos mais notáveis do paiz; em outras, porém, reconhece-se certa intenção litteraria, pois que a narração é adornada com diálogos, ditos sentenciosos, comparações e citações biblicas, o que dá ao seu estylo uma feição especial no gosto monástico. A sua linguagem é nas mais antigas o géez quasi puro; comtudo algumas vezes apparecem expressões mais modernas e palavras amarinas ; mas os abexins costumam distinguil-a da linguagem clássica, e dão-lhe o nome de linguagem das chronicas.
PREFACE
WHEN studying the history of the early Roman Empire the reader has at call a thousand impressions of the writers of the day, whom he has read from boyhood, and who have helped to form the mind and the temper with which he reads. But the same does not hold of the period of the Gothic invasions and the fall of Paganism. The literature is extensive, but it is not known, it is hardly read. No one who has given it a sympathetic study can call it wanting in pathos or power, but the traditions of scholarship point in another direction. An age that can boast an Augustine and a Synesius in prose, a Claudian and a Prudentius in poetry, is nevertheless in general ignored, except by scholars engaged in some special research, who use them as sources.
My endeavour has been, by reading (if I may use the expression) across the period, to gain a truer knowledge because a wider. Then, bearing in mind its general air and character, I have tried to give the period to my reader, not in a series of generalizations but in a group of portraits. I have tried to present the men in their own way, carefully and sympathetically ; to shew their several attempts, successful or unsuccessful, to realize and solve the problems common to them all ; and to illustrate these attempts from their environment, literary, religious and political. As far as possible, I have tried to let them tell their own tale, to display themselves in their weakness and their strength.
I have deliberately avoided the writers, whose work may be strictly called technical or special, for those whose concern was more with what is fitly called literature, but I have at the same time not forgotten the former. For instance, to have treated the theological writings of Athanasius or Augustine at all adequately would have gone far beyond my present limits. And indeed it was less necessary to attempt this, as it has been done fully and ably by others. Rather my concern has been with the world in which the philosopher and the theologian found themselves, and I trust that some who study them may find help in my effort to picture this world. For such students I am only supplying background. Still I hope this background may have for those who are interested in the refraction of light as well as in light itself, a value and an interest as a presentment of an important and even pathetic moment in the history of our race.
As my course has been across the period, I have had again and again to explore a fresh stream upward and toward its source. Every writer has his own antecedents, and some consideration of these has been in every case necessary. No stream however lacks tributaries, and some have many. I suppose that of all of these I should have had some personal knowledge, but as this would have meant a constantly widening and never-ending series of independent researches, I have done the human thing in accepting the work of other men in outlying regions, while surveying as far as I could myself the lands adjacent to my particular subject in each instance. In such cases I have generally given my authority. It may very well occur that specialists will find blunders in detail in my work. I have found them myself in places where I felt secure. But I trust that no blunders will be found of such dimensions as to un-focus any of my portraits or at least
to affect at all materially my general picture.
I have made constant use of the works of Gibbon, of M. Boissier, of Dr Hodgkin and Professor Bury. Other books which I have consulted are mentioned in the various notes. Professor Dill’s interesting book, Roman Society in the last Century of the Western Empire, I did not see till some seven of my chapters were written. As in one or two places his work and mine have overlapped, I felt I had less freedom to use his book, but in general it. will be found that our periods and provinces have been quite distinct. My table of dates is based chiefly on Goyau, Chronologie de I’Empire Romain. Dr Sandys has been kind enough to read some of my proofs.
Most of my work on this volume has been done in Canada. Those who know the difficulties with which young Universities have to contend in “all the British dominions beyond the seas,” difficulties incident to young countries and as a rule bravely faced and overcome, will not be surprised that the Library at my disposal was small. But any one who knows Queen’s University will understand what compensations I have had for a limited number of books in the friendship, the criticism and the encouragement of the colleagues to whom I have dedicated my work.ST JOHN’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,
September, 1901.
CONTENTS
Table of Dates xii
Chapter I. Introduction 1
II. Ammianus Marcellinus 20
III. Julian 47
IV. Quintus of Smyrna 77
V. Ausonius 102
VI. Women Pilgrims 125
VII. Symmachus 148
VIII. Macrobius 171
IX. St Augustine’s Confessions 194
X. Claudian 216
XI. Prudentius 249
XII. Sulpicius Severus 278
XIII. Palladas 303
XIV. Synesius 320
XV. Greek and Early Christian Novels 357
Author: Glover, T. R. (Terrot Reaveley), 1869-1943
Subject: Symmachus, Quintus Aurelius, d. 405; Silva, of Aquitaine; Julian, Emperor of Rome, 331-363; Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo; Synesius, of Cyrene, Bishop of Ptolemais; Quintus, Smyrnaeus, 4th cent; Ausonius, Decius Magnus; Macrobius, Theodosius; Claudianus, Claudius; Prudentius, b. 348; Severus, Sulpicius; Ammianus Marcellinus; Latin literature — History and criticism; Pilgrims and pilgrimages; Greek fiction — History and criticism; Christian literature, Early; Palladas; Rome — Social life and customs
Publisher: Cambridge : University press
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: English
Call number: SRLF:LAGE-210451
Digitizing sponsor: MSN
Book contributor: University of California Libraries
Collection: americana; cdl
La seule excuse que l’on puisse invoquer pour ajouter une nouvelle interprétation de l’argument de saint Anselme à toutes celles que nous avons déjà, c’est l’impossibilité de résister à la tentation. J’y ai résiste pendante de longues années, me contentant d’enseigner saint Anselme tel que je coyais le comprendre, mais en gardant au moins le sentiment que, là où tout le monde est en déssacord, un individu isolé à bien peu de chances d’atteindre la vérité.
Je ne me flatte pas aujourd’hui de l’avoir découverte, mais de si importantes contributions à l’étude de la question ont paru récemment, notamment celles de Karl Barth et du P. Anselm Stoltz, qu’il m’a semblé moins inutile qu’auparavant de proposer mes hypothèses. Jamais, en effet, la question n’a été serrée d’aussi près qu’elle vient de l’être. Karl Barth a soumis le texte de saint Anselme à une exégèse aussi scrupuleuse que s’il se fût agi d’un écrit inspiré pour discuter son livre, il faudrait en écrire un autre, deux fois plus long, qui tiendrait compte à la fois de la théologie de saint Anselme et de celle de Karl Barth. Le P. Anselm Stoltz a critiqué Karl Barth, et l’on ne pourrait apprécier justement son travail qu’en en faisant l’objet d’un autre travail. Je ne crois pas que l’un ni l’autre aient dit le dernier mot sur la question, mais l’un et l’autre on certainement mis en relief certains éléments essentiels de la pensée anselmienne, que l’on avait trop négligés jusqu’ici.
Ét. Gilson. Sens et Nature de l’argument de saint Anselme.
Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen-âge. 1934. pp. 5-52.
Gilson. Sens Et Nature de l’Argument de Saint Anselme. 1934.
Sous ce titre : Sancti Anselmi Cantuarensis archiepiscopi homiliae et exhortationes, Gerberon a groupé dans son édition générale des oeuvres (1675, puis 1721) seize morceaux, auxquels la tradition attache, à tort ou à raison, le nom du plus illustre docteur bénédictin. Il reste à voir comment se présente cette tradition littéraire.
A. Wilmart, Les Homélies attribuées a S. Anselme.
Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen-âge, 1927. pp. 5-30
Gerbert was born somewhere in the mountainous region of Auvergne, in central France. Since neither his place of birth nor his parents were recorded, it seems likely that he was of low birth. Sometime about 963, he entered the monastery of St. Gerald at Aurillac. This is the monastery that Gerald the Good had established near his castle just before his death some sixty years earlier, and where he was buried. It was, like Cluny, a rather strict Benedictine monastery and was independent of any local control, being subject only to the pope.
Here he studied his Latin grammar under a teacher by the name of Raymond, for whom he held a special affection for the rest of his life. Of course, by this time, “grammar” had come to stand for the verbal skills included in the trivium — grammar, logic, and rhetoric. In 967, Count Borrell of Barcelona visited the monastery, and the abbot asked the count to take Gerbert back to Spain with him so that the lad could study mathematics there. It would seem that Gerbert had proven to be an apt pupil, and his abbot wanted to see him go on to the study of the quadrivium — arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. Borrell agreed and put the lad in the care of the bishop of Vic, where there was a cathedral school. Catalunya, in which both Barcelona and Vic were located, was a frontier territory, and there was considerable communication between Catalunya and the Muslims of al-Andalus to the south. Al-Andalus was much more advanced that Christian Europe. While the greatest library in Christian Europe boasted less than a thousand volumes, the library in the Muslim capital of Cordoba held over four hundred thousand. Catalunya benefitted from the proximity of the cultured Muslims, and the libraries of the cathedral of Vic and the nearby monastery of Ripoll were among the largest and best equipped in Europe.
The proximity of the Muslims meant more than that in the matter of the subjects of the quadrivium, however. The Muslims had fallen heir to both Greek and Persian science in their initial expansion and had translated many classics into Arabic. At the same time, Arabic traders and travelers were in contact with India and China and had absorbed many of their advances. Muslim “scientists” were highly regarded, and perhaps nowhere in Islam as much as in al-Andalus. Muslim astronomy was the most advanced in the world, and Muslim astronomers proficient in using the astrolabe had done much to map the skies. Although the names of modern planets and constellations are Latin, the names of most major stars — Altair, Deneb, Rigel, Sirius, Fomalhaut, Aldeberan, Betelgeuse — are Arabic as are many of the other terms of astronomy, such as azimuth, almagest, almanac, and the Zodiac. The Arabs were even further advanced in the realm of arithmetic. They had adopted the concept of zero from the Indians and used a positional numeric system much like the modern system — in fact, our numerals are based on the Arabic notation. They had also borrowed the abacus from the Chinese and were proficient in its use. They had gone beyond arithmetic and had established algebra, were investigating prime numbers and coordinate equations. Their study of proportions made it possible for them to approach music in a quite precise manner, distinguishing accurately between notes, developing theories of harmonies and discords, and constructing musical instruments with quite accurate tuning. The cathedral school of Vic was able to offer Gerbert much of this knowledge, and Gerbert took full advantage of the opportunity.
As a matter of fact, his knowledge and abilities were so great that some of his contemporaries could not explain them except by assuming that he was ether a magician or had made a pact with the devil. It was in this fashion that the Gerbert of legend arose.
Gerbert had travelled to Spain, where he became the apprentice of a Muslim magician of wondrous powers. Gerbert came to realize that all of the magician’s powers came from the spells that were contained in a book that he kept under lock and key. At the same time, the magician began to suspect that Gerbert wanted to steal his secrets and take them away with him, and so began to watch him very closely and to hide the key to the chest in which he kept his book. The magician had a beautiful daughter, and Gerbert seduced her with the promise of taking her away with him and marrying her. The duped girl helped Gerbert put a drug in her father’s evening wine and, when he had fallen into a stupor, got the key from where he had hidden it, opened the chest, and gave Gerbert the book.
Gerbert immediately fled, leaving the girl behind. When the magician awoke and saw what had happened, he got his horse, which could run faster than the wind, and his dog, which could track anything or anyone over or under both ground and water. As he came to the bridge at Martorell, Gerbert heard the magician riding after him and knew that he had to escape the magician’s dog. He quickly climbed over the side of the bridge and hung by his hands beneath it. Since he was neither above or below either the earth or water, the dog lost his scent, and the baffled magician finally returned home, leaving Gerbert with the book of spells.
Some say that he prayed to Satan to save him from the magician, and that Satan wafted him away beyond the sea. In order to get home, Gerbert agreed to give his soul to Satan, and Satan, in turn, promised to give him powers even greater than those contained in the book of spells. The proof that this story is the correct one is found in the fact that Gerbert kept a human head with him and would put the head on his desk and converse with it through the night, learning many secrets and about the future from it.
In 969, Count Borrell and the bishop of Vic made a pilgrimage to Rome, taking young Gerbert with them. He met and impressed Pope John XIII (965-971) and the emperor Otto I (962-973), who was visiting there also. The pope persuaded Otto to take Gerbert on as tutor for his young son, who was to become Otto II (973-983). After some years at this task, Otto gave Gerbert leave to go to study advanced logic at the outstanding cathedral school of Reims.
He made quite a name for himself at Reims. He set himself to the task of building an organ with constant pressure supplied by water power. There had been organs before, but their air pressure had been generated by the organist pumping with his feet of an assistant pumping a large bellows. This one not only gave an extended steady level of sound, but its pipes were matched mathematically so that its harmonics were superior to anything heard in the West before. Gerbert had also mastered arabic numerals and so could do calculations in his head that were extremely difficult for anyone thinking in terms of Roman numerals. He continued to study the abacus, and even constructed a giant one. He marked out the floor of the nave of the cathedral of Reims like an abacus and made a number of large disks to take the place of the abacus beads. He gathered some sixty-four members of the cathedral school to help him, gave them sticks to push the disks, and sat in the organ loft from where he could see the entire floor. He would call out instructions, and his assistants would move the disks like a great game of shuffleboard. He was able in this way to deal with numbers both larger and smaller than had ever before been possible. He then wrote a book on the abacus that became standard in the new cathedral schools that were arising and revolutionized the study of mathematics in the West.
He was invited to Ravenna to engage in a debate and, while there, renewed his acquaintance with his old pupil Otto. Otto was quite impressed by him and, when he became Holy Roman Emperor in 983, he made Gerbert the abbot of the famous monastery of Bobbio and also appointed him as count of the district in which it was located. Bobbio had been founded by St. Columban and had one of the greatest libraries in Western Europe. It was close to Genoa and had grown wealthy from the trade and commerce that were beginning to enrich all of northern Italy, but it had fallen on hard times. Incompetent abbots had depleted its treasury, local nobles had seized its lands, and its monks had fallen into a dissolute way of life. Gerbert undertook to remedy these matters, but did not get very far.
Otto died the next year, however, and Gerbert lost his patron and protector. Nevertheless, his reputation was so great that he was invited to return as the master of the cathedral school of Reims and secretary to the archbishop. He became deeply involved in the political struggles of the times. Basically, there was a struggle between the Saxon dynasty of Germany, represented by the young Otto III and the Carolingian claimants to the throne of France. When Lothair of France attempted to take Lorraine from Otto III in 985, Gerbert and his archbishop opposed him by supporting Hugh Capet, the count of Paris, as the real ruler of France. By 987, both Lothair and his son had died, and the Carolingian heir was Charles, duke of Lower Lorraine. Charles asked Gerbert and his archbishop for their support, but both used their influence on behalf of Hugh. Hugh was elected king of France, and the Carolingian line of kings came to an end.
The archbishop died in 989, and Gerbert expected to succeed him. Hugh appointed Arnulf, a bastard son of the late King Lothair instead. Archbishop Arnulf was conspiring with the Carolingian Duke Charles, however, and turned over Reims to him in 989. The city was devastated, Gerbert’s possessions seized, and most of his friends imprisoned or driven off. He finally managed to escape his post as the archbishop’s secretary and fled to the court of King Hugh. In 991, Hugh finally had proof of Archbishop Arnulf’s treason, deposed him, and appointed Gerbert in his place.
From 991-997, struggled to hold on to his archbishopric, but eventually lost out. Hugh Capet died in 996, and Gerbert clashed with his successor, Robert II (996-1031), when Gerbert declared Robert’s marriage to his cousin Bertha illegal. Then, in 997, Pope Gregory V (996-998) stripped Gerbert of his episcopal functions. Gerbert fled to the court of Otto II, where he was welcomed and given a small estate. After a short period of relaxation, Gerbert was called to become the teacher and advisor of Otto III, then only seventeen years old. Otto was in Ravenna, the southern capital of the Holy Roman Emperors at the time. When Pope Gregory V died in 999, Otto decided to wrest control of the papacy from local politics and did so by appointing Gerbert pope. Gerbert took the name Sylvester II. Sylvester I (314-335) having been the advisor of the emperor Constantine.
Within short order, the Roman populace rebelled against a foreign pope, and both Otto and Gerbert were forced to flee to Ravenna. Otto led two unsuccessful expeditions to regain control of the city, and, on a third, in 1002, he died in his twenty-first year.
The legend says that Gerbert had built a mechanical head that would answer any questions that could be answered with either “yes” or “no.” It had said “yes” when he asked it if he would become pope, so he asked it if he would die before he had said mass in Jerusalem. The head said “no,” and Gerbert decided that he would never go to Jerusalem. In the course of his duties, he said mass in one of the smaller churches in Rome and afterwards discovered that it was the church of St. Mary of Jerusalem, commonly called by the people simply “Jerusalem.” He became sick shortly after, and called for his followers. In his final delirium, he asked the cardinals to cut his body into pieces and throw them into the cesspools and garbage dumps of the city, saying that, while his body might belong to Satan, he had never consented in his mind to the oath that the devil had made him swear.
Dr. Lynn H. Nelson
Professor Emeritus, Medieval History
University of Kansas
1 January 2001
Schultess. Papst Silvester II. (Gerbert) als Lehrer und Staatsmann. 1891.
Picavet. Gerbert, un pape philosophe d’après l’historie et d’après la légende. 1897.
Werner. Gerbert von Aurillac : die kirche und wissenschaft seiner zeit, neue ausgabe. 1881.
P. G. Théry, O. P.
Thomas de Saint-Victor, ou Thomas Gallus, ou Thomas de Verceil, ou Abbas Vercellensis, est cité fréquemment dans la Somme attribuée à Alexandre de Halès, dans les écrits de saint Bonaventure, et de beaucoup d’autres théologiens des XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Au xve siècle, son influence, surtout dans les abbayes autrichiennes et dans celles de l’Allemagne du Sud, est en recrudescence. On invoque partout son témoignage. Par contre, de nos jours, Thomas de Saint-Victor est un inconnu, même pour les spécialistes du moyen âge. Tout au plus, lui consacre- t-on 4 ou 5 lignes. C’est cette lacune dans le développement historique de la pensée, que nous avons voulu combler, et nous y étions amené tout naturellement, puisque Thomas Gallus fut, sans aucun doute, le commentateur le plus fécond des ouvrages dionysiens. Ce n’est pas en marge de nos travaux que viennent se placer nos études sur ce grand victorin; elles en sont une partie intégrante et capitale.
Mais ce n’est pas seulement le commentateur du Corpus dionysiacum considéré dans l’abstrait, qui a retenu notre attention. Nous voulons faire revivre l’homme lui-même dans toutes ses activités, et de ce chef, dans notre pensée, c’est une nouvelle page sur l’histoire de l’abbaye de Saint-Victor, sur le Studium generale de Verceil, sur les origines du véritable franciscanisme et même sur les luttes politiques du XIIIe siècle, que nous avons dessein d’écrire.
Courcelle. Étude Critique sur les Commentaires de la Consolation de Boèce [IXe-XVe Siècles]. 1939.
Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen-âge. 1939, pp. 5-140.
Courcelle. Étude Critique sur les Commentaires de la Consolation de Boèce [IXe-XVe Siècles]. 1939.
Pabst Innocentius der Dritte : eine der denkwürdigen Lebensgeschichten ; nach Freidrich Hurter für Gebildete aus allen Ständen, insbesondre für die studirende Jugend bearbeitet (1845)
Author: Waibel, Alois Adalbert, 1787-1852; Hurter, Friedrich Emanuel von, 1787-1865
Subject: Innocent III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216
Publisher: Lindau : J.T. Stettner
Language: German
Call number: a6117782
Digitizing sponsor: National Institute for Newman Studies
Book contributor: Saint Mary’s College of California
Collection: toronto
Studi su Innocenzo 3 [i.e. terzo] (1972)
Author: Maccarrone, Michele
Subject: Innocentius III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216
Publisher: Padova Antenore
Language: Italian
Call number: AFY-0983
Digitizing sponsor: University of Toronto
Book contributor: Robarts – University of Toronto
Collection: toronto
Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten und seiner Zeitgenossen (1835)
Author: Hurter-Ammann, Friedrich Emanuel von, 1787-1865
Volume: 1
Subject: Innocent III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216
Publisher: Ebingen : J.G. Göbel
Year: 1835
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: German
Call number: a5881672
Digitizing sponsor: National Institute for Newman Studies
Book contributor: Saint Mary’s College of California
Collection: toronto
Geschichte Papst Innocenz des Dritten und seiner Zeitgenossen (1835)
Author: Hurter-Ammann, Friedrich Emanuel von, 1787-1865
Volume: 2
Subject: Innocent III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216
Publisher: Ebingen : J.G. Göbel
Year: 1835
Possible copyright status: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT
Language: German
Call number: a5881672
Digitizing sponsor: National Institute for Newman Studies
Book contributor: Saint Mary’s College of California
Collection: toronto
Author: Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo
Subject: Sermons, Latin
Publisher: Christiana : In Commission bei Jacob Dybuad, A. W. Brögger’s Buchdruckerei
Language: German
Book contributor: University of Chicago
Collection: microfilm
Im Cod. membr. 281 der Bübliothek des Benedictinerstifts Einsiedeln, einem seinem grössten Theile nach mit merovingischer Sochrift geschriebenen nnd dem achten Jahrhundert angehörigen Cod. miscell. in 8″, der neben sehr vielem Anderen eine Anzahl Augustin beigelegter, aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach aber von Cæesarius von Arelate herrührender Sermonen enthält, stossen wir auf S. 101 (ungefähr die Mitte der Seite) — 108 (drei Zeilen der Seite) auf einen “Humelia sei Agustini de sacrilegia” überschriebenen und also ebenfalls dem Bischof von Hippo beigelegten, höchst merkwürdigen und für die Kirchen- und Culturgeschichte, speciell die Geschichte des Aberglaubens innerhalb der Kirche und die germanische Mythologie, sehr wichtigen, sowie auch sprachgeschichtlich interessanten Sermon. Nachdem ich diesen bis dahin sonderbarer Weise unedirten und ganz unbekannten Sermon in der “Zeitschrift für Deutsches Alterthum” Jahrg. 1881 S. 313 — 16 vorläufig mitgetlieilt und hierauf in “Theol. Tidsskrift for den ev.-luth. Kirke i Norge, Ny Række”, B. IX S. 485—545, mit in norwegischer Sprache abgefassten kritischen, sprachlichen und sachlichen Anmerkungen und einer norwegischen Abhandlung über Inhalt, Eintheilung, Gang und Form, Sprache, Quellen, Abfassungszeit und Abfassungsort desselben herausgegeben habe, veröffenliche ich ihn im Nachfolgenden von Neuem in berichtigtem Text und mit denselben nur Deutsch geschriebenen und vielfach vermehrten und verbesserten Beigaben. Ich theile dabei den Text der besseren Uebersicht und des leichteren Citirens wegen in Capitel und Paragraphen (was ich schon in der Ausgabe in “Theol. Tidsskr.” gethan), sondere die kritischen und sachlichen Anmerkungen von einander, indem ich jene unter dem Texte gebe, diese dagegen auf denselben folgen lasse (als eine Art Realcommentar), und verflechte die sprachlichen in den von der Sprache des Sermons handelnden Abschnitt der Abhandlung, mit welcher ich die ganze Arbeit schliesse.